Crafts in Markets
Crafts in Markets
This collection of documentary films were filmed and produced in 2019 as part of the Western Sudan Community Museums project WSCM which was originally intended to be showcased in 3 museums around Sudan; the Khalifa House Museum in Omdurman, Khartoum, the Sheikan Museum in Obaid, North Kordofan, and the Darfur Museum in Nyala, South Darfur.
These films show various heritage and cultural topics and practices related to the exhibitions of these museums.
All films in this collection were produced by Mark Whatmore and Yoho Media.
The following three videos showcase life in markets in Darfur through the various crafts and products sold in the market.
Birgid Weavers. Menawashe, Darfur.
Women of the Birgid tribe weave coloured palm fronds and decorate the 'mandola' which is used to serve special meals. Filmed at a roadside market in Menawashe, North of Nyala.
Potters. Kas, Darfur.
Potters at the Tuesday market in Kas (1hr West of Nyala), painting incense burners. Mariam Mohamed Abaka is filmed pounding the base of a water pot.
Shoe makers. Nyala, Darfur.
Markoob is a traditional Sudanese shoe made out of leather. Every region has a different type of markoob depending on the leather available in the area; the more rare the leather, the more expensive the shoe, for example, leopard or snake skins. Shoemakers filmed in the Nyala soug.
Cover Picture © Zainab Gaafar
This collection of documentary films were filmed and produced in 2019 as part of the Western Sudan Community Museums project WSCM which was originally intended to be showcased in 3 museums around Sudan; the Khalifa House Museum in Omdurman, Khartoum, the Sheikan Museum in Obaid, North Kordofan, and the Darfur Museum in Nyala, South Darfur.
These films show various heritage and cultural topics and practices related to the exhibitions of these museums.
All films in this collection were produced by Mark Whatmore and Yoho Media.
The following three videos showcase life in markets in Darfur through the various crafts and products sold in the market.
Birgid Weavers. Menawashe, Darfur.
Women of the Birgid tribe weave coloured palm fronds and decorate the 'mandola' which is used to serve special meals. Filmed at a roadside market in Menawashe, North of Nyala.
Potters. Kas, Darfur.
Potters at the Tuesday market in Kas (1hr West of Nyala), painting incense burners. Mariam Mohamed Abaka is filmed pounding the base of a water pot.
Shoe makers. Nyala, Darfur.
Markoob is a traditional Sudanese shoe made out of leather. Every region has a different type of markoob depending on the leather available in the area; the more rare the leather, the more expensive the shoe, for example, leopard or snake skins. Shoemakers filmed in the Nyala soug.
Cover Picture © Zainab Gaafar
This collection of documentary films were filmed and produced in 2019 as part of the Western Sudan Community Museums project WSCM which was originally intended to be showcased in 3 museums around Sudan; the Khalifa House Museum in Omdurman, Khartoum, the Sheikan Museum in Obaid, North Kordofan, and the Darfur Museum in Nyala, South Darfur.
These films show various heritage and cultural topics and practices related to the exhibitions of these museums.
All films in this collection were produced by Mark Whatmore and Yoho Media.
The following three videos showcase life in markets in Darfur through the various crafts and products sold in the market.
Birgid Weavers. Menawashe, Darfur.
Women of the Birgid tribe weave coloured palm fronds and decorate the 'mandola' which is used to serve special meals. Filmed at a roadside market in Menawashe, North of Nyala.
Potters. Kas, Darfur.
Potters at the Tuesday market in Kas (1hr West of Nyala), painting incense burners. Mariam Mohamed Abaka is filmed pounding the base of a water pot.
Shoe makers. Nyala, Darfur.
Markoob is a traditional Sudanese shoe made out of leather. Every region has a different type of markoob depending on the leather available in the area; the more rare the leather, the more expensive the shoe, for example, leopard or snake skins. Shoemakers filmed in the Nyala soug.
Cover Picture © Zainab Gaafar
Economy during the Khalifa time
Economy during the Khalifa time
Cover picture: the Khalifa's house. Khalifa's money minting machines. Matson Photo Service, photographer. 1936 © Library of Congress
Cover picture: the Khalifa's house. Khalifa's money minting machines. Matson Photo Service, photographer. 1936 © Library of Congress
Cover picture: the Khalifa's house. Khalifa's money minting machines. Matson Photo Service, photographer. 1936 © Library of Congress
Role of Markets in North Kordofan
Role of Markets in North Kordofan
Markets in North Kordofan are crucial for economic transactions and developing social bonds, cultural preservation, communal support, and general societal cohesiveness. They are important to the region's social and economic fabric, reflecting and reinforcing the connectivity of its people.
The exchange of goods and services between sedentary farmers and nomadic pastoralists in the markets of North Kordofan emphasizes an important aspect of economic and social interdependency. This link is vital for the sustainability and resilience of both communities.
The interaction occurring in bustling marketplaces is at the core of this relationship, where the trade of products and services represents a deep-rooted connection between these two groups. The constant interplay between the sedentary population, predominantly farmers, and nomadic pastoralists, changes not just the economic environment but also the social fabric of the society.
The markets of North Kordofan are brimming with sedentary farmers and nomadic pastoralists who gather to exchange products essential to their livelihoods. Farmers produce cereals, vegetables, and processed goods, whilst pastoralists supply animals, dairy products, and important resources such as gum Arabic. This complementary exchange allows the fulfillment of vital needs for both communities, encouraging economic stability and coexistence. Furthermore, the continual flow of goods in the market serves as a foundation for market stability, adding to the region's economic resilience.
Alsimaih, Abulghur, Fangoga, Alloba, Aljassir, Alzareeba, El-Obeid's crop market, Abujahl, Umrawaba, Alrahad Abdakana, and Alwasaa are North Kordofan State’s largest marketplaces. The first five are mostly livestock markets located on or near the boundaries of pastoral corridors. The rest are generic marketplaces that sell everything, primarily products grown in or outside the state.
The livestock markets are not limited to business transactions as they also include veterinarian clinics and pharmacies as well as permanent, or weekly, health clinics for the general public. In many cases, these offer the nomads their only opportunity to access these types of facilities.
Pastoralists typically sell enough livestock to buy grains, clothing, medicine, and fermented food in preparation for their next journey, while farmers take advantage of the opportunity to purchase animal products such as meat, leather, and dairy products. These markets are very similar to the barter system, and the interdependence between farmers and nomadic pastoralists is very evident.
Economic relationships between farmers and pastoralists are driven by their complementary demands. Farmers rely on cattle and dairy products for nutrition and farming purposes, whereas pastoralists rely on grains and vegetables for a healthy diet and food to sustain them on their journeys. The continual interchange of goods maintains a stable market environment, which promotes regional economic stability.
Markets serve as cultural and traditional melting pots in addition to being commercial transactions. Settlers and pastoralists connect socially, exchanging their tales, customs, and knowledge. These encounters strengthen social relationships by encouraging mutual respect and collaboration. Furthermore, the exchange of goods promotes cultural exchange, which enriches the social fabric of both communities.
Beyond the market stalls, settlers and nomadic pastoralists share land. Nomadic pastoralists contribute to environmental sustainability through traditional grazing methods, such as alternating grazing sites, minimizing overgrazing, and maintaining ecological balance. Farmers profit from this approach because it maintains soil fertility and increases agricultural productivity. This shared reliance on the land emphasizes the value of cooperation and sustainable resource management. In times of adversity, such as droughts or poor harvests, settlers and pastoralists work together to overcome challenges, strengthening the bond between the communities and
fostering resilience. Community leaders and elders play important roles in facilitating dialogue and resolving disputes, ensuring peaceful coexistence.
The trade of products and services between settlers and nomadic pastoralists in North Kordofan markets is more than just economic transactions; it reflects a symbiotic relationship that is deeply embedded in the region's social fabric. Through their contact in markets, these communities form social bonds, share cultural heritage, and preserve economic lifestyles.
Cover Picture © Zainab Gaafar, Abu Jahal Market, 2021
Markets in North Kordofan are crucial for economic transactions and developing social bonds, cultural preservation, communal support, and general societal cohesiveness. They are important to the region's social and economic fabric, reflecting and reinforcing the connectivity of its people.
The exchange of goods and services between sedentary farmers and nomadic pastoralists in the markets of North Kordofan emphasizes an important aspect of economic and social interdependency. This link is vital for the sustainability and resilience of both communities.
The interaction occurring in bustling marketplaces is at the core of this relationship, where the trade of products and services represents a deep-rooted connection between these two groups. The constant interplay between the sedentary population, predominantly farmers, and nomadic pastoralists, changes not just the economic environment but also the social fabric of the society.
The markets of North Kordofan are brimming with sedentary farmers and nomadic pastoralists who gather to exchange products essential to their livelihoods. Farmers produce cereals, vegetables, and processed goods, whilst pastoralists supply animals, dairy products, and important resources such as gum Arabic. This complementary exchange allows the fulfillment of vital needs for both communities, encouraging economic stability and coexistence. Furthermore, the continual flow of goods in the market serves as a foundation for market stability, adding to the region's economic resilience.
Alsimaih, Abulghur, Fangoga, Alloba, Aljassir, Alzareeba, El-Obeid's crop market, Abujahl, Umrawaba, Alrahad Abdakana, and Alwasaa are North Kordofan State’s largest marketplaces. The first five are mostly livestock markets located on or near the boundaries of pastoral corridors. The rest are generic marketplaces that sell everything, primarily products grown in or outside the state.
The livestock markets are not limited to business transactions as they also include veterinarian clinics and pharmacies as well as permanent, or weekly, health clinics for the general public. In many cases, these offer the nomads their only opportunity to access these types of facilities.
Pastoralists typically sell enough livestock to buy grains, clothing, medicine, and fermented food in preparation for their next journey, while farmers take advantage of the opportunity to purchase animal products such as meat, leather, and dairy products. These markets are very similar to the barter system, and the interdependence between farmers and nomadic pastoralists is very evident.
Economic relationships between farmers and pastoralists are driven by their complementary demands. Farmers rely on cattle and dairy products for nutrition and farming purposes, whereas pastoralists rely on grains and vegetables for a healthy diet and food to sustain them on their journeys. The continual interchange of goods maintains a stable market environment, which promotes regional economic stability.
Markets serve as cultural and traditional melting pots in addition to being commercial transactions. Settlers and pastoralists connect socially, exchanging their tales, customs, and knowledge. These encounters strengthen social relationships by encouraging mutual respect and collaboration. Furthermore, the exchange of goods promotes cultural exchange, which enriches the social fabric of both communities.
Beyond the market stalls, settlers and nomadic pastoralists share land. Nomadic pastoralists contribute to environmental sustainability through traditional grazing methods, such as alternating grazing sites, minimizing overgrazing, and maintaining ecological balance. Farmers profit from this approach because it maintains soil fertility and increases agricultural productivity. This shared reliance on the land emphasizes the value of cooperation and sustainable resource management. In times of adversity, such as droughts or poor harvests, settlers and pastoralists work together to overcome challenges, strengthening the bond between the communities and
fostering resilience. Community leaders and elders play important roles in facilitating dialogue and resolving disputes, ensuring peaceful coexistence.
The trade of products and services between settlers and nomadic pastoralists in North Kordofan markets is more than just economic transactions; it reflects a symbiotic relationship that is deeply embedded in the region's social fabric. Through their contact in markets, these communities form social bonds, share cultural heritage, and preserve economic lifestyles.
Cover Picture © Zainab Gaafar, Abu Jahal Market, 2021
Markets in North Kordofan are crucial for economic transactions and developing social bonds, cultural preservation, communal support, and general societal cohesiveness. They are important to the region's social and economic fabric, reflecting and reinforcing the connectivity of its people.
The exchange of goods and services between sedentary farmers and nomadic pastoralists in the markets of North Kordofan emphasizes an important aspect of economic and social interdependency. This link is vital for the sustainability and resilience of both communities.
The interaction occurring in bustling marketplaces is at the core of this relationship, where the trade of products and services represents a deep-rooted connection between these two groups. The constant interplay between the sedentary population, predominantly farmers, and nomadic pastoralists, changes not just the economic environment but also the social fabric of the society.
The markets of North Kordofan are brimming with sedentary farmers and nomadic pastoralists who gather to exchange products essential to their livelihoods. Farmers produce cereals, vegetables, and processed goods, whilst pastoralists supply animals, dairy products, and important resources such as gum Arabic. This complementary exchange allows the fulfillment of vital needs for both communities, encouraging economic stability and coexistence. Furthermore, the continual flow of goods in the market serves as a foundation for market stability, adding to the region's economic resilience.
Alsimaih, Abulghur, Fangoga, Alloba, Aljassir, Alzareeba, El-Obeid's crop market, Abujahl, Umrawaba, Alrahad Abdakana, and Alwasaa are North Kordofan State’s largest marketplaces. The first five are mostly livestock markets located on or near the boundaries of pastoral corridors. The rest are generic marketplaces that sell everything, primarily products grown in or outside the state.
The livestock markets are not limited to business transactions as they also include veterinarian clinics and pharmacies as well as permanent, or weekly, health clinics for the general public. In many cases, these offer the nomads their only opportunity to access these types of facilities.
Pastoralists typically sell enough livestock to buy grains, clothing, medicine, and fermented food in preparation for their next journey, while farmers take advantage of the opportunity to purchase animal products such as meat, leather, and dairy products. These markets are very similar to the barter system, and the interdependence between farmers and nomadic pastoralists is very evident.
Economic relationships between farmers and pastoralists are driven by their complementary demands. Farmers rely on cattle and dairy products for nutrition and farming purposes, whereas pastoralists rely on grains and vegetables for a healthy diet and food to sustain them on their journeys. The continual interchange of goods maintains a stable market environment, which promotes regional economic stability.
Markets serve as cultural and traditional melting pots in addition to being commercial transactions. Settlers and pastoralists connect socially, exchanging their tales, customs, and knowledge. These encounters strengthen social relationships by encouraging mutual respect and collaboration. Furthermore, the exchange of goods promotes cultural exchange, which enriches the social fabric of both communities.
Beyond the market stalls, settlers and nomadic pastoralists share land. Nomadic pastoralists contribute to environmental sustainability through traditional grazing methods, such as alternating grazing sites, minimizing overgrazing, and maintaining ecological balance. Farmers profit from this approach because it maintains soil fertility and increases agricultural productivity. This shared reliance on the land emphasizes the value of cooperation and sustainable resource management. In times of adversity, such as droughts or poor harvests, settlers and pastoralists work together to overcome challenges, strengthening the bond between the communities and
fostering resilience. Community leaders and elders play important roles in facilitating dialogue and resolving disputes, ensuring peaceful coexistence.
The trade of products and services between settlers and nomadic pastoralists in North Kordofan markets is more than just economic transactions; it reflects a symbiotic relationship that is deeply embedded in the region's social fabric. Through their contact in markets, these communities form social bonds, share cultural heritage, and preserve economic lifestyles.
Cover Picture © Zainab Gaafar, Abu Jahal Market, 2021
Markets in Omdurman
Markets in Omdurman
The soug (market) was the place for social gatherings where merchants and residents from various social and cultural classes met to exchange goods, crafts, news, and experiences. Omdurman's culture and heritage were enriched by the link between its markets and local and international trade routes.
Besides being a place to buy and sell things, Omdurman market was, and remains, a symbol of social, ethnic, and cultural interaction. Old maps show residential neighbourhoods populated by tribes from different parts of Sudan surrounding Omdurman market. The area also contained a number of smaller markets, such as Soug al Nisaa (women’s market) Soug al Gisaira, and Soug Um Suaigo.
The river waterways and the ports were of economic importance because of their close link with the market, as boats and ships exported goods coming from Kordofan, Darfur and South Sudan. Sorghum was transported from its place of production in the White Nile, Al Jazeera and Blue Nile regions, to Shambat port. Riverside markets were created as a result of the river trade, as well as markets for manufacturing and selling boats. The banks of the Nile also housed community centres and many daily riverine activities.
Cover Picture © Zainab Gaafar, in Almorada fish market 2020
The soug (market) was the place for social gatherings where merchants and residents from various social and cultural classes met to exchange goods, crafts, news, and experiences. Omdurman's culture and heritage were enriched by the link between its markets and local and international trade routes.
Besides being a place to buy and sell things, Omdurman market was, and remains, a symbol of social, ethnic, and cultural interaction. Old maps show residential neighbourhoods populated by tribes from different parts of Sudan surrounding Omdurman market. The area also contained a number of smaller markets, such as Soug al Nisaa (women’s market) Soug al Gisaira, and Soug Um Suaigo.
The river waterways and the ports were of economic importance because of their close link with the market, as boats and ships exported goods coming from Kordofan, Darfur and South Sudan. Sorghum was transported from its place of production in the White Nile, Al Jazeera and Blue Nile regions, to Shambat port. Riverside markets were created as a result of the river trade, as well as markets for manufacturing and selling boats. The banks of the Nile also housed community centres and many daily riverine activities.
Cover Picture © Zainab Gaafar, in Almorada fish market 2020
The soug (market) was the place for social gatherings where merchants and residents from various social and cultural classes met to exchange goods, crafts, news, and experiences. Omdurman's culture and heritage were enriched by the link between its markets and local and international trade routes.
Besides being a place to buy and sell things, Omdurman market was, and remains, a symbol of social, ethnic, and cultural interaction. Old maps show residential neighbourhoods populated by tribes from different parts of Sudan surrounding Omdurman market. The area also contained a number of smaller markets, such as Soug al Nisaa (women’s market) Soug al Gisaira, and Soug Um Suaigo.
The river waterways and the ports were of economic importance because of their close link with the market, as boats and ships exported goods coming from Kordofan, Darfur and South Sudan. Sorghum was transported from its place of production in the White Nile, Al Jazeera and Blue Nile regions, to Shambat port. Riverside markets were created as a result of the river trade, as well as markets for manufacturing and selling boats. The banks of the Nile also housed community centres and many daily riverine activities.
Cover Picture © Zainab Gaafar, in Almorada fish market 2020
El Obeid meat market
El Obeid meat market
El Obeid meat market.
Footage of the animal market "Alzariba" and meat stalls in El Obeid in 2018.
This documentary film has been filmed and produced as part of the Western Sudan Community Museums project WSCM. It was produced by Mark Whatmore and Yoho Media.
Cover Picture © Zainab Gaafar, in El Obeid meat market, 2021
El Obeid meat market.
Footage of the animal market "Alzariba" and meat stalls in El Obeid in 2018.
This documentary film has been filmed and produced as part of the Western Sudan Community Museums project WSCM. It was produced by Mark Whatmore and Yoho Media.
Cover Picture © Zainab Gaafar, in El Obeid meat market, 2021
El Obeid meat market.
Footage of the animal market "Alzariba" and meat stalls in El Obeid in 2018.
This documentary film has been filmed and produced as part of the Western Sudan Community Museums project WSCM. It was produced by Mark Whatmore and Yoho Media.
Cover Picture © Zainab Gaafar, in El Obeid meat market, 2021
Animal-driven oil mills
Animal-driven oil mills
Animal-powered oil extracting wheels, particularly those using camels, have been a long-standing tradition in markets. During the Mahdist period, these mills were crucial economic centers, supporting local livelihoods and contributing significantly to the market economy. They also served as fronts for revolutionary activities, providing cover for clandestine meetings.
The traditional oil extraction process, which involves animals turning wheels to crush seeds, is known for producing high-quality oil. This is because the method typically uses cold pressing, preserving the oil's natural flavors and nutrients. Despite modern advancements, this handcrafted process ensures the oil remains pure and authentic.
In his film Jamal (A Camel), 1981, Ibrahim Shaddad shows life through the eyes of a camel stirring an oil mill, the film shows a political view through metaphor constantly mirroring everyday life struggles through the camel’s mundane work.
Today, these traditional mills still operate in some regions, valued for their cultural heritage and the superior quality of the oil they produce. This continuation highlights the lasting importance and effectiveness of traditional practices.
Cover picture: A camel-driven sesame oil mill owned by Abdulrahman Rahama Musa © Ahmed Ibrahim Mohamed Sulaiman, November 2023, Obaid, Kordofan, taken as part of the ICH documentation workshop in Shaikan Museum
Animal-powered oil extracting wheels, particularly those using camels, have been a long-standing tradition in markets. During the Mahdist period, these mills were crucial economic centers, supporting local livelihoods and contributing significantly to the market economy. They also served as fronts for revolutionary activities, providing cover for clandestine meetings.
The traditional oil extraction process, which involves animals turning wheels to crush seeds, is known for producing high-quality oil. This is because the method typically uses cold pressing, preserving the oil's natural flavors and nutrients. Despite modern advancements, this handcrafted process ensures the oil remains pure and authentic.
In his film Jamal (A Camel), 1981, Ibrahim Shaddad shows life through the eyes of a camel stirring an oil mill, the film shows a political view through metaphor constantly mirroring everyday life struggles through the camel’s mundane work.
Today, these traditional mills still operate in some regions, valued for their cultural heritage and the superior quality of the oil they produce. This continuation highlights the lasting importance and effectiveness of traditional practices.
Cover picture: A camel-driven sesame oil mill owned by Abdulrahman Rahama Musa © Ahmed Ibrahim Mohamed Sulaiman, November 2023, Obaid, Kordofan, taken as part of the ICH documentation workshop in Shaikan Museum
Animal-powered oil extracting wheels, particularly those using camels, have been a long-standing tradition in markets. During the Mahdist period, these mills were crucial economic centers, supporting local livelihoods and contributing significantly to the market economy. They also served as fronts for revolutionary activities, providing cover for clandestine meetings.
The traditional oil extraction process, which involves animals turning wheels to crush seeds, is known for producing high-quality oil. This is because the method typically uses cold pressing, preserving the oil's natural flavors and nutrients. Despite modern advancements, this handcrafted process ensures the oil remains pure and authentic.
In his film Jamal (A Camel), 1981, Ibrahim Shaddad shows life through the eyes of a camel stirring an oil mill, the film shows a political view through metaphor constantly mirroring everyday life struggles through the camel’s mundane work.
Today, these traditional mills still operate in some regions, valued for their cultural heritage and the superior quality of the oil they produce. This continuation highlights the lasting importance and effectiveness of traditional practices.
Cover picture: A camel-driven sesame oil mill owned by Abdulrahman Rahama Musa © Ahmed Ibrahim Mohamed Sulaiman, November 2023, Obaid, Kordofan, taken as part of the ICH documentation workshop in Shaikan Museum
The Zir
The Zir
The zir is one of the most essential items in any Sudanese home and was, until recently, used everywhere in Sudan for its cooling properties. Today we have chosen to tell the zir’s story because it is connected to both the present and to the past and because it is used for watering by travellers and settlers alike. In the past, every train carriage had a mazyarah holding a zir, and many composers were inspired to create their melodies after hearing the shaking sound of the zir on the train.
As we travelled around the different regions of Sudan to document the country’s culture and civilisation, we found that the zir was the soul of the place; it was present in most homes and places in different shapes and forms. Every state in Sudan had a zir that differed from those in other states depending on the type of clay used to make it and the natural environment of the place.
When we visited the River Nile State on a trip from the Nile to the sea, the aim of which was to observe the difference between the Nile and the sea in terms of land, people, customs and traditions, we found that the zir was present in most households and along the roads (known as sabeel). The zir is sometimes called a jara and consists of a large, rounded base with a narrowed neck, and is made of light clay that is smeared with powdered red brick on the outside and burnt in a kiln.
When we proceeded eastwards on the same journey from the Nile to the sea and looked at similarities and differences, we found that the zir in the east had a slightly different shape and was longer, less voluminous and thicker. This was in order for it to survive travelling long distances and to keep its contents cold for longer. As for the trip to the northern states (Nuri Nafar, the Kasinger, Al Barak) where the zir is used primarily as a water cooler, we found many zirs in homes or along the road. Here, the zir is placed at the side of the road or on junctions for passers-by to drink from.
During our visit to many homes, there is a mazyara; a stand made of iron, wood or cement placed next to the house door, holding one, two or more zirs covered by a lid often made of iron or wood. The zir is also sometimes used to store grains or in the process of fermenting hilu mur; the traditional ‘bitter sweet’ drink and occasionally to ferment flour used to make porridge and kisra bread. On our trip to South Kordofan’s Harvest Festival, the first thing that caught our attention was the shape of the zir. We were at Mother Bakhita's rest house in Dilling when suddenly we found ourselves standing around the zir. Its shape was new to us; it was very short, with a wide belly and a short neck and was placed in a corner of the house.
In North Kordofan, during our trip to El Fasher in particular, we also found the zir in homes and along roads. Here they are made of two parts, an upper part and a lower part, which are glued together, and the shape and type of the lid, which is made of dom palm fronds, varies. Even though the zir differed in the various states, we observed similarities in the human relationship with the zir. In all places there was a clear link between human and zir; there is a person directly responsible for the zir in every home, from its daily cleaning and placing a bowl under it to gatheingr water drops from the zir, and making sure it is covered and filled whenever the water goes down. The joy of travelling around Sudan was discovering our legacies, and the zir was one of the legacies we found worth learning more about.
Cover picture © Issam Ahmed Abdelhafiez, 2010, El-Zouma, north Sudan
The zir is one of the most essential items in any Sudanese home and was, until recently, used everywhere in Sudan for its cooling properties. Today we have chosen to tell the zir’s story because it is connected to both the present and to the past and because it is used for watering by travellers and settlers alike. In the past, every train carriage had a mazyarah holding a zir, and many composers were inspired to create their melodies after hearing the shaking sound of the zir on the train.
As we travelled around the different regions of Sudan to document the country’s culture and civilisation, we found that the zir was the soul of the place; it was present in most homes and places in different shapes and forms. Every state in Sudan had a zir that differed from those in other states depending on the type of clay used to make it and the natural environment of the place.
When we visited the River Nile State on a trip from the Nile to the sea, the aim of which was to observe the difference between the Nile and the sea in terms of land, people, customs and traditions, we found that the zir was present in most households and along the roads (known as sabeel). The zir is sometimes called a jara and consists of a large, rounded base with a narrowed neck, and is made of light clay that is smeared with powdered red brick on the outside and burnt in a kiln.
When we proceeded eastwards on the same journey from the Nile to the sea and looked at similarities and differences, we found that the zir in the east had a slightly different shape and was longer, less voluminous and thicker. This was in order for it to survive travelling long distances and to keep its contents cold for longer. As for the trip to the northern states (Nuri Nafar, the Kasinger, Al Barak) where the zir is used primarily as a water cooler, we found many zirs in homes or along the road. Here, the zir is placed at the side of the road or on junctions for passers-by to drink from.
During our visit to many homes, there is a mazyara; a stand made of iron, wood or cement placed next to the house door, holding one, two or more zirs covered by a lid often made of iron or wood. The zir is also sometimes used to store grains or in the process of fermenting hilu mur; the traditional ‘bitter sweet’ drink and occasionally to ferment flour used to make porridge and kisra bread. On our trip to South Kordofan’s Harvest Festival, the first thing that caught our attention was the shape of the zir. We were at Mother Bakhita's rest house in Dilling when suddenly we found ourselves standing around the zir. Its shape was new to us; it was very short, with a wide belly and a short neck and was placed in a corner of the house.
In North Kordofan, during our trip to El Fasher in particular, we also found the zir in homes and along roads. Here they are made of two parts, an upper part and a lower part, which are glued together, and the shape and type of the lid, which is made of dom palm fronds, varies. Even though the zir differed in the various states, we observed similarities in the human relationship with the zir. In all places there was a clear link between human and zir; there is a person directly responsible for the zir in every home, from its daily cleaning and placing a bowl under it to gatheingr water drops from the zir, and making sure it is covered and filled whenever the water goes down. The joy of travelling around Sudan was discovering our legacies, and the zir was one of the legacies we found worth learning more about.
Cover picture © Issam Ahmed Abdelhafiez, 2010, El-Zouma, north Sudan
The zir is one of the most essential items in any Sudanese home and was, until recently, used everywhere in Sudan for its cooling properties. Today we have chosen to tell the zir’s story because it is connected to both the present and to the past and because it is used for watering by travellers and settlers alike. In the past, every train carriage had a mazyarah holding a zir, and many composers were inspired to create their melodies after hearing the shaking sound of the zir on the train.
As we travelled around the different regions of Sudan to document the country’s culture and civilisation, we found that the zir was the soul of the place; it was present in most homes and places in different shapes and forms. Every state in Sudan had a zir that differed from those in other states depending on the type of clay used to make it and the natural environment of the place.
When we visited the River Nile State on a trip from the Nile to the sea, the aim of which was to observe the difference between the Nile and the sea in terms of land, people, customs and traditions, we found that the zir was present in most households and along the roads (known as sabeel). The zir is sometimes called a jara and consists of a large, rounded base with a narrowed neck, and is made of light clay that is smeared with powdered red brick on the outside and burnt in a kiln.
When we proceeded eastwards on the same journey from the Nile to the sea and looked at similarities and differences, we found that the zir in the east had a slightly different shape and was longer, less voluminous and thicker. This was in order for it to survive travelling long distances and to keep its contents cold for longer. As for the trip to the northern states (Nuri Nafar, the Kasinger, Al Barak) where the zir is used primarily as a water cooler, we found many zirs in homes or along the road. Here, the zir is placed at the side of the road or on junctions for passers-by to drink from.
During our visit to many homes, there is a mazyara; a stand made of iron, wood or cement placed next to the house door, holding one, two or more zirs covered by a lid often made of iron or wood. The zir is also sometimes used to store grains or in the process of fermenting hilu mur; the traditional ‘bitter sweet’ drink and occasionally to ferment flour used to make porridge and kisra bread. On our trip to South Kordofan’s Harvest Festival, the first thing that caught our attention was the shape of the zir. We were at Mother Bakhita's rest house in Dilling when suddenly we found ourselves standing around the zir. Its shape was new to us; it was very short, with a wide belly and a short neck and was placed in a corner of the house.
In North Kordofan, during our trip to El Fasher in particular, we also found the zir in homes and along roads. Here they are made of two parts, an upper part and a lower part, which are glued together, and the shape and type of the lid, which is made of dom palm fronds, varies. Even though the zir differed in the various states, we observed similarities in the human relationship with the zir. In all places there was a clear link between human and zir; there is a person directly responsible for the zir in every home, from its daily cleaning and placing a bowl under it to gatheingr water drops from the zir, and making sure it is covered and filled whenever the water goes down. The joy of travelling around Sudan was discovering our legacies, and the zir was one of the legacies we found worth learning more about.
Cover picture © Issam Ahmed Abdelhafiez, 2010, El-Zouma, north Sudan