Archival films
Archival films
Old Omdurman
Colour and black and white archive film from the Durham University Archive showing footage of Omdurman Market between 1954 and 1955 as well as boat making next to the river Nile and life on the Nile. Omdurman bridge built in 1926 can also be seen. Filmed by. J. Carmichael. A director at Al Jazeera scheme at that time.
Old Khartoum
Archive film from the Durham University Archive showing footage from Khartoum in 1941, featuring many city structures that were removed after independence such as statues and the cathedral bell tower as well as the old market. The film gives a glimpse into city life at the time.
Old Kordofan
Archive film from the Durham University Archive showing films from El Obeid city in 1932 - 1935, showing the market, train stations, and the city water reserve as well as the Mudiriyah building, the oldest lasting governmental building in Sudan, built during the Turkish rule over Sudan. Filmed by Edward Francis
Cover image: Maulid al-Nabi celebrations, Omdurman, 1920/30, picture taken by Wolff, M. E. and G. L. © Durham university Sudan archive
Old Omdurman
Colour and black and white archive film from the Durham University Archive showing footage of Omdurman Market between 1954 and 1955 as well as boat making next to the river Nile and life on the Nile. Omdurman bridge built in 1926 can also be seen. Filmed by. J. Carmichael. A director at Al Jazeera scheme at that time.
Old Khartoum
Archive film from the Durham University Archive showing footage from Khartoum in 1941, featuring many city structures that were removed after independence such as statues and the cathedral bell tower as well as the old market. The film gives a glimpse into city life at the time.
Old Kordofan
Archive film from the Durham University Archive showing films from El Obeid city in 1932 - 1935, showing the market, train stations, and the city water reserve as well as the Mudiriyah building, the oldest lasting governmental building in Sudan, built during the Turkish rule over Sudan. Filmed by Edward Francis
Cover image: Maulid al-Nabi celebrations, Omdurman, 1920/30, picture taken by Wolff, M. E. and G. L. © Durham university Sudan archive
Old Omdurman
Colour and black and white archive film from the Durham University Archive showing footage of Omdurman Market between 1954 and 1955 as well as boat making next to the river Nile and life on the Nile. Omdurman bridge built in 1926 can also be seen. Filmed by. J. Carmichael. A director at Al Jazeera scheme at that time.
Old Khartoum
Archive film from the Durham University Archive showing footage from Khartoum in 1941, featuring many city structures that were removed after independence such as statues and the cathedral bell tower as well as the old market. The film gives a glimpse into city life at the time.
Old Kordofan
Archive film from the Durham University Archive showing films from El Obeid city in 1932 - 1935, showing the market, train stations, and the city water reserve as well as the Mudiriyah building, the oldest lasting governmental building in Sudan, built during the Turkish rule over Sudan. Filmed by Edward Francis
Cover image: Maulid al-Nabi celebrations, Omdurman, 1920/30, picture taken by Wolff, M. E. and G. L. © Durham university Sudan archive
Gordon’s Khartoum
Gordon’s Khartoum
A collection of photographs of the city of Khartoum were part of the first display in the Khalifa House Museum in 1928. They were taken by the Austrian photographer Richard Buchta. He is considered the author of the first documentary trip to the Central African region between 1878 and 1880. Buchta visited Sudan in 1878, accompanied by the Italian traveller and explorer Romolo Jesse. The latter was the ruler of Bahr el-Ghazal and a friend of the General-Governor of Sudan, Gordon Pasha. Buchta's photographs were published in 1881.
The outbreak of the Mahdist revolution in Sudan coincided with Buchta's visit. His pictures represented the only visual reference for Sudan and appeared in many influential publications as news of the revolution spread across the world.
A collection of photographs of the city of Khartoum were part of the first display in the Khalifa House Museum in 1928. They were taken by the Austrian photographer Richard Buchta. He is considered the author of the first documentary trip to the Central African region between 1878 and 1880. Buchta visited Sudan in 1878, accompanied by the Italian traveller and explorer Romolo Jesse. The latter was the ruler of Bahr el-Ghazal and a friend of the General-Governor of Sudan, Gordon Pasha. Buchta's photographs were published in 1881.
The outbreak of the Mahdist revolution in Sudan coincided with Buchta's visit. His pictures represented the only visual reference for Sudan and appeared in many influential publications as news of the revolution spread across the world.
A collection of photographs of the city of Khartoum were part of the first display in the Khalifa House Museum in 1928. They were taken by the Austrian photographer Richard Buchta. He is considered the author of the first documentary trip to the Central African region between 1878 and 1880. Buchta visited Sudan in 1878, accompanied by the Italian traveller and explorer Romolo Jesse. The latter was the ruler of Bahr el-Ghazal and a friend of the General-Governor of Sudan, Gordon Pasha. Buchta's photographs were published in 1881.
The outbreak of the Mahdist revolution in Sudan coincided with Buchta's visit. His pictures represented the only visual reference for Sudan and appeared in many influential publications as news of the revolution spread across the world.
Forces of power
Forces of power
Omdurman pre-Mahdiya
There is archaeological evidence of Omdurman’s existence dating back to the Stone Age. In the 17th century it was mentioned in the writings of travellers and the manuscripts of Tabaqat Wad Dayf-Allah (1646-1730), who recorded Omdurman as a village of the mystic Hamad Wad Um Maryum. The Jamoiyyah and other tribes lived in Omdurman as merchants as it was on one of the most important trade routes in Africa (note the arrow’s direction). The route connected West Africa and Western and Eastern Sudan, and from there, to the rest of the world. Following Mohamed Ali Pasha’s invasion in 1821, Omdurman became a small military base and river crossing to Khartoum.
Siege and liberation of Khartoum
The Imam Al Mahdi wanted to expel the colonisers and announce a new era for the Islamic Umma, so he planned to liberate Khartoum in two stages. The first stage was to isolate it from the rest of Sudan and the outside world. He appointed Amir Osman Digna to barricade the Barbar-Suakin road and ordered Amir Mohamad Al Khair Abdullah to cut the telegraph lines between Barbar and Khartoum as well as between Egypt and Barbar. The second stage was to besiege Khartoum. The siege lasted an entire year. Shiekh Al Obeid Wad Badr besieged the eastern side and Abdulrahman Al Nujumi fortified the siege after the defeat of the Ansar in Burri and western Jirayf. Amir Hamdan Abu Anja besieged the Omdurman garrison until its surrender, and Al Mahdi liberated Khartoum on the 26th of January 1885.
Omdurman during Al Khalifa Abdullah’s rule
After the Imam Al Mahdi's death in 1885, his successor, Al Khalifa Abdullah, ordered the citizens of Khartoum to evacuate the city and move to Omdurman. This move followed Al Mahdi's wish to move away from the enemy’s capital, Khartoum, and turn Omdurman into a national capital. Al Khalifa also ordered his fellow tribesmen and other tribes to migrate to Omdurman to help him manage the new state.
End of Mahdiya State (Battle of Karari) 1898
The British conquered Sudan as part of Europe’s Scramble for Africa and because Britain had interest in ending the Mahdiya state and avenging the killing of Gordon Pasha. The capture of Omdurman, achieved through victory at the Battle of Karari, was crucial as it would secure Anglo-Egyptian colonisers as the undisputed rulers of Sudan.
The Ansar stood their ground and fought well at Karari, showing a great deal of valour and courage, but they were no match for the barrage of modern firearms they were up against. After their triumph at Karari, the British continued southward to follow Al Khalifa Abdullah’s retreating forces, until his martyrdom at the Battle of Um Dibaykrat.
Omdurman during the Condominium
At the beginning of the Condominium, the Anglo-Egyptian government managed the country from Omdurman, before later moving to Khartoum. Khartoum became the new capital and focus of the ruling forces and allies. Omdurman became a national city and shipping port.
Omdurman pre-Mahdiya
There is archaeological evidence of Omdurman’s existence dating back to the Stone Age. In the 17th century it was mentioned in the writings of travellers and the manuscripts of Tabaqat Wad Dayf-Allah (1646-1730), who recorded Omdurman as a village of the mystic Hamad Wad Um Maryum. The Jamoiyyah and other tribes lived in Omdurman as merchants as it was on one of the most important trade routes in Africa (note the arrow’s direction). The route connected West Africa and Western and Eastern Sudan, and from there, to the rest of the world. Following Mohamed Ali Pasha’s invasion in 1821, Omdurman became a small military base and river crossing to Khartoum.
Siege and liberation of Khartoum
The Imam Al Mahdi wanted to expel the colonisers and announce a new era for the Islamic Umma, so he planned to liberate Khartoum in two stages. The first stage was to isolate it from the rest of Sudan and the outside world. He appointed Amir Osman Digna to barricade the Barbar-Suakin road and ordered Amir Mohamad Al Khair Abdullah to cut the telegraph lines between Barbar and Khartoum as well as between Egypt and Barbar. The second stage was to besiege Khartoum. The siege lasted an entire year. Shiekh Al Obeid Wad Badr besieged the eastern side and Abdulrahman Al Nujumi fortified the siege after the defeat of the Ansar in Burri and western Jirayf. Amir Hamdan Abu Anja besieged the Omdurman garrison until its surrender, and Al Mahdi liberated Khartoum on the 26th of January 1885.
Omdurman during Al Khalifa Abdullah’s rule
After the Imam Al Mahdi's death in 1885, his successor, Al Khalifa Abdullah, ordered the citizens of Khartoum to evacuate the city and move to Omdurman. This move followed Al Mahdi's wish to move away from the enemy’s capital, Khartoum, and turn Omdurman into a national capital. Al Khalifa also ordered his fellow tribesmen and other tribes to migrate to Omdurman to help him manage the new state.
End of Mahdiya State (Battle of Karari) 1898
The British conquered Sudan as part of Europe’s Scramble for Africa and because Britain had interest in ending the Mahdiya state and avenging the killing of Gordon Pasha. The capture of Omdurman, achieved through victory at the Battle of Karari, was crucial as it would secure Anglo-Egyptian colonisers as the undisputed rulers of Sudan.
The Ansar stood their ground and fought well at Karari, showing a great deal of valour and courage, but they were no match for the barrage of modern firearms they were up against. After their triumph at Karari, the British continued southward to follow Al Khalifa Abdullah’s retreating forces, until his martyrdom at the Battle of Um Dibaykrat.
Omdurman during the Condominium
At the beginning of the Condominium, the Anglo-Egyptian government managed the country from Omdurman, before later moving to Khartoum. Khartoum became the new capital and focus of the ruling forces and allies. Omdurman became a national city and shipping port.
Omdurman pre-Mahdiya
There is archaeological evidence of Omdurman’s existence dating back to the Stone Age. In the 17th century it was mentioned in the writings of travellers and the manuscripts of Tabaqat Wad Dayf-Allah (1646-1730), who recorded Omdurman as a village of the mystic Hamad Wad Um Maryum. The Jamoiyyah and other tribes lived in Omdurman as merchants as it was on one of the most important trade routes in Africa (note the arrow’s direction). The route connected West Africa and Western and Eastern Sudan, and from there, to the rest of the world. Following Mohamed Ali Pasha’s invasion in 1821, Omdurman became a small military base and river crossing to Khartoum.
Siege and liberation of Khartoum
The Imam Al Mahdi wanted to expel the colonisers and announce a new era for the Islamic Umma, so he planned to liberate Khartoum in two stages. The first stage was to isolate it from the rest of Sudan and the outside world. He appointed Amir Osman Digna to barricade the Barbar-Suakin road and ordered Amir Mohamad Al Khair Abdullah to cut the telegraph lines between Barbar and Khartoum as well as between Egypt and Barbar. The second stage was to besiege Khartoum. The siege lasted an entire year. Shiekh Al Obeid Wad Badr besieged the eastern side and Abdulrahman Al Nujumi fortified the siege after the defeat of the Ansar in Burri and western Jirayf. Amir Hamdan Abu Anja besieged the Omdurman garrison until its surrender, and Al Mahdi liberated Khartoum on the 26th of January 1885.
Omdurman during Al Khalifa Abdullah’s rule
After the Imam Al Mahdi's death in 1885, his successor, Al Khalifa Abdullah, ordered the citizens of Khartoum to evacuate the city and move to Omdurman. This move followed Al Mahdi's wish to move away from the enemy’s capital, Khartoum, and turn Omdurman into a national capital. Al Khalifa also ordered his fellow tribesmen and other tribes to migrate to Omdurman to help him manage the new state.
End of Mahdiya State (Battle of Karari) 1898
The British conquered Sudan as part of Europe’s Scramble for Africa and because Britain had interest in ending the Mahdiya state and avenging the killing of Gordon Pasha. The capture of Omdurman, achieved through victory at the Battle of Karari, was crucial as it would secure Anglo-Egyptian colonisers as the undisputed rulers of Sudan.
The Ansar stood their ground and fought well at Karari, showing a great deal of valour and courage, but they were no match for the barrage of modern firearms they were up against. After their triumph at Karari, the British continued southward to follow Al Khalifa Abdullah’s retreating forces, until his martyrdom at the Battle of Um Dibaykrat.
Omdurman during the Condominium
At the beginning of the Condominium, the Anglo-Egyptian government managed the country from Omdurman, before later moving to Khartoum. Khartoum became the new capital and focus of the ruling forces and allies. Omdurman became a national city and shipping port.
Neighbourhoods of Omdurman
Neighbourhoods of Omdurman
Omdurman was the place the Imam Al Mahdi chose as a camp before the siege of Khartoum on 26th of January 1885, while his followers moved there after the liberation of Khartoum. Al Mahdi lived in a small room next to the Grand Mosque in Omdurman which later became the site of his burial tomb.
During Al Khalifa Abdullah’s rule, the mosque where Al Mahdi was buried became the nucleus around which the city of Omdurman formed. Al Khalifa built a domed shrine for Al Mahdi and built his own house next to it. Others followed suit, building their homes out of mud and bricks around the tomb hoping that proximity would bestow blessings upon them.
Members of the same tribe preferred to live in adjacent houses which led to the creation of various neighbourhoods in four directions. Each neighbourhood developed around a particular tribe, and related tribes settled in specific areas of the city. The city then expanded north and south along the length of the Nile with daily life and activities revolving around the ports.
Omdurman was the place the Imam Al Mahdi chose as a camp before the siege of Khartoum on 26th of January 1885, while his followers moved there after the liberation of Khartoum. Al Mahdi lived in a small room next to the Grand Mosque in Omdurman which later became the site of his burial tomb.
During Al Khalifa Abdullah’s rule, the mosque where Al Mahdi was buried became the nucleus around which the city of Omdurman formed. Al Khalifa built a domed shrine for Al Mahdi and built his own house next to it. Others followed suit, building their homes out of mud and bricks around the tomb hoping that proximity would bestow blessings upon them.
Members of the same tribe preferred to live in adjacent houses which led to the creation of various neighbourhoods in four directions. Each neighbourhood developed around a particular tribe, and related tribes settled in specific areas of the city. The city then expanded north and south along the length of the Nile with daily life and activities revolving around the ports.
Omdurman was the place the Imam Al Mahdi chose as a camp before the siege of Khartoum on 26th of January 1885, while his followers moved there after the liberation of Khartoum. Al Mahdi lived in a small room next to the Grand Mosque in Omdurman which later became the site of his burial tomb.
During Al Khalifa Abdullah’s rule, the mosque where Al Mahdi was buried became the nucleus around which the city of Omdurman formed. Al Khalifa built a domed shrine for Al Mahdi and built his own house next to it. Others followed suit, building their homes out of mud and bricks around the tomb hoping that proximity would bestow blessings upon them.
Members of the same tribe preferred to live in adjacent houses which led to the creation of various neighbourhoods in four directions. Each neighbourhood developed around a particular tribe, and related tribes settled in specific areas of the city. The city then expanded north and south along the length of the Nile with daily life and activities revolving around the ports.
Omdurman Through the Times
Omdurman Through the Times
“I am Omdurman, I Am the Nation
Its voice, and its feelings
I am the foundation
I… the one who brought together the dispersed
Melded north with south
Poured east into west
And planted kindness on the roads
May I remain the pride of our homelands”
- Abdullah Mohammed Zain
“From Futaih, through the creek to Al Maghalig
From the highlands of Aburof to the lowlands
A stride, my lord, barefoot and clean-shaven
Following the route of the Tram”
- Khalil Farah
Omdurman has always been known as the national city, the melting pot that comprises all ethnicities, tribes, geographies and cultures, despite the internal political and economic differences. The opinions seem to vary between supporters and critics of this national identity it represents, or maybe was intended to. In our exploration of the urban history of the city, we will discuss the settings and circumstances that have contributed to the foundation of the city, taking in consideration the issue of migration and its impact on the urban fabric, as one of the most important factors, if not the most important at all, that contributed to the making of today’s Omdurman. The issue of migration will not be discussed in isolation from all the political, economic, and social factors that influenced or was influenced by the city throughout the different time periods.
***
A first time visitor of Omdurman will unmistakable take notice of the particularity of the site, as it lays between the arid western desert that extends as far as the eye can see, and the Nile, the source of life, as it slowly flows northwards toward the Mediterranean, and with its vast skies and rock-strewn ground. All these factors have shaped it into an excellent location, chosen carefully for erecting the camp of Al-Mahdi in his war against the Turco-Egyptian colonization. Nevertheless, these characteristics became ideal for the creation of a city distinguished with its unique history and culture.
The history of settlement in Omdurman highlights the importance of the location, as the excavations around Abu Anja Creek revealed remains that date back to the Lower Paleolithic era,1 and ever since, the area has remained inhabited by different groups of peoples throughout time. However, Omdurman as we know it today might have been founded by mere chance, as it was originally established as a camp for the armies of Al-Mahdi. Following that, we cannot say that the development of the city that happened afterwards was by mere chance as well, as the planning processes of the city were intentional, including the natural and spontaneous nature of the city’s architecture.
Muhammad Ahmad Al-Mahdi is a very intruiging and controversial character. He had a deep faith that he was “the Mahdi” (the rightly guided one), which greatly motivated him to launch his revolutionary movement. He set Prophet Muhammad (PBUH) as his role model which can be observed in the various similarities that exist between the characters of Al-Mahdi and Prophet Muhammad. Understanding the relation between these two figures will aid in comprehending the objectives of Al-Mahdi’s message and the establishment of the Mahdist State later. Al-Mahdi’s objective was to free the lands of the Muslims and the Sudanese, and to continue to “liberating” other states –such as Egypt- similar to the first message of Islam. One of the most important stories in the history of Omdurman that displays the mirroring between Al-Mahdi and Prophet Muhammad is how he chose the location of his house, as he left the matter to his horse until it stood, and that is how the location was decided. His house was made of mud, and following his death, he was buried there and a domed shrine was built above it in that same location where it remains to this day.2
Al-Mahdi left Ar-Rahad and headed towards Khartoum in August 1884, after ordering his followers to march to the east to free the capital city –Khartoum– from the colonizers.3 A great number of people responded to his call and a mass migration began that marked the beginning of the migration towards Omdurman. Omdurman’s sanctity for the Mahdi and his supporters could be recognized in the numerous names that were given to the city, such as Al-Buq’ah, Al-Buq’ah Al-Tahira (the Immaculate Spot) and Dar Al-Hijrah (the Land of Migration), the latter was engraved on the coins made during his reign. In addition to that existed the military advantages, as this spontaneous area had turned into a huge camp as Al-Mahdi’s supporters flocked towards that area and built houses with straw, leather and logs,4 then the city came to life.
Al-Mahdi’s wars against the Turco-Egyptian colonial rule in Sudan was crowned by liberating Khartoum in January 1885.5 However, Al-Mahdi died shortly after moving to Omdurman, and Al-Khalifa Abdullahi –his successor– ruled after him. Al-Khalifa’s reign witnessed the writing of a new history for Omdurman, starting from the moment Al-Khalifa announced Omdurman as the capital city for the Mahdist state. So how did the city grow over such a short period of time to spread over an area of more than 20 square miles?
In May 1885, Al-Khalifa ordered the evacuation of Khartoum and all its residents were to relocate to Omdurman.7 His aim was to eradicate any competition to his new capital city, thus began the destruction of the buildings of Khartoum, as their building materials were dismantled and moved to Omdurman to build new houses there.8 The fusion of different ethnic groups and cultures became a signature of Mahdist Omdurman as the city contained representatives of all Sudanese tribes that coexisted with Egyptians, Indians, Mecca Arabs, Syrians, Greeks, Italians, Turks, Ethiopians, Jews, in addition to groups of West African origins, such as Fulani, Borno, and Borgu peoples. The population of Mahdist Omdurman was estimated to be over 150,000,9 and some speculate that it even reached 400,000.10
The policies of Al-Khalifa required the settlement of as many tribal groups near him as possible, as he needed a huge military force at hand, not only to conquer other states, but also to protect the borders of his city that was surrounded with dangers from all directions. Al-Khalifa turned Omdurman to a city that adopted Khartoum’s former functions as the administrative and bureaucratic center, carrying out the various administrative and military functions of the state.11
Omdurman began to slowly form according to the strategies of Al-Khalifa, as he was the mastermind behind the city’s planning decisions that turned the scattered villages –which previously comprised Omdurman– into the capital city of his state. This planning process resulted in the creation of the main roads and yards, the market, the mosque, the barracks and other facilities in the city.12 The construction materials utilized were chosen to emphasized the power of Al-Khalifa, as the red bricks seized from the houses of the Turks in Khartoum were used, with the help of skilled engineers and technicians, to build the domed shrine of Al-Mahdi and the quarters of Al-Khalifa.13 Also, the center of the city, which consisted of the official facilities –beside the house of Al-Khalifa and the houses of his guards and family– was surrounded by a great stone wall. Some parts of this wall remain till this day, as it’s construction took almost as many years as the Mahdist state remained in power.14
Between the years 1885 and 1898, the residential areas around Omdurman began to form in an Arab-Islamic style, with vast interior yards (hosh) as a distinctive characteristic. The city followed an organic traditional style that is labyrinth-like and quite difficult to understand, as Al-Khalifa built Omdurman in a network-like style that resembles the religious voids in classical Islamic cities. This spontaneous nature to the city can be noticed in the seemingly disorganized growth of the social fabric of its population, which follows social norms and traditions that follow the principles of vernacular architecture.16
The Salafist method of Al-Khalifa and his animosity towards Sufi sects was reflected on architecture, as he prohibited any form of ornaments, except for Quranic verses. The Nubian style of house with its ornamented facades, for example, didn’t find a place in the mono-cultural Mahdist Omdurman, despite the settlement of Nubians in the city.17 In contrast to the houses of Al-Khalifa with their fortified materials, the houses of Mahdist Omdurman were mostly simple, as the houses of Nilotic peoples were built of fragile materials, such as straw and mud, that being the reason why not much of them remained. Also, the people of nomadic tribes from the west, due to their lifestyle, built semi-permanent houses that also got destroyed with time.18
Omdurman had very narrow streets and closed alleys with a distinctive characteristic of being intimate and private. People got around the city walking and rode donkeys, horses, or carts as means of transportation between houses and neighborhoods, which impacted the planning and organic design of the road network.20
The main urban element of Omdurman was the market; in fact, the establishment of Omdurman Market boosted trade movement in the city, as the small seasonal markets that mainly depended on agricultural products turned into a permanent market in the era of Al-Khalifa. It also became a destination for the different Sudanese groups and tribes, so it attracted more people from the north, south, west and east. It also attracted merchants and skilled craftsmen from neighboring countries.21
Hajj caravans, traveling all the way from West Africa, had to stop at Omdurman Market, and it became their regular route. Also merchants arrived from Egypt and India and settled in Omdurman so they can work in its market.22 The river traffic was also very active because of the boat manufacturing industry that was popular at the time, so Omdurman became the destination of many tribes that lived on the banks of Blue Nile, White Nile, and River Nile. Most of the roads in old Omdurman, and especially in the northwestern side, led to the Market. Because of these factors, Omdurman Market became a key pillar for the city, and the focal point of intersection that drew people from all directions.23
Travelers from West Africa used to depart heading eastwards to Mecca. They embarked on their journey usually without enough funds to sustain their travel expenses, therefore they stayed and worked in places along their route in order to afford their journey. Omdurman, which was already on their pilgrimage route to Mecca,25 welcomed and sheltered them, although the Mahdist state and Al-Khalifa regularly recruited them in his army.26
***
The newly formed Mahdist state faced many battles against different states, as it was threatened on its borders with both Egypt and Ethiopia, in addition to having internal conflicts. In order to strengthen and increase his armies, and because of his distrust towards the other tribes that were against his succession and sovereignty, Al-Khalifa ordered the tribes of Ta’aisha and Baggara to forcefully migrate from Darfur to Omdurman. This decision had a huge impact on the economic and political state of Omdurman, and perhaps the country in its entirety.
It is important to note that the Ta’aisha and Baggara are nomads who worked in agriculture or cattle grazing, but by forcibly displacing them to Omdurman, Al-Khalifa turned them from a productive group for the state to soldiers in his army. On their way through Kordofan, they consumed their sorghum stock, and when they reached Omdurman became a privileged elite. Their status and kinship to Al-Khalifa saw that they were provided with all types of supplies and foods, which impacted the state’s reserve. Their migration coincided with a year of very low harvest, due to the droughts in the past season. Because of these conditions, the country underwent one of its worst famines, the famine of “the year 6” (1306/1890).27
The failure of the Mahdist state to relieve the famine that hit its citizens due to the militarization and the calls for Jihad, put the state in a dilemma. The state was completely unable to meet the needs of its population as well as maintain it’s war economy which was imposed on it since its inception.28 The economic policy of the state, the boycott of Egypt, and the decrease of trade movement were all factors that worsened the situation. Al-Khalifa did not foresee the impact of his policies on his economically weak state. Also, the migration of Ta’aisha and Baggara had great political and economic consequences, as the citizens of Omdurman, particularly those of Nilotic origins (Awlad Al-Bahar) and relatives of Al-Mahdi –who thought they were more entitled to become successors of Al-Mahdi– did not see any reason to be welcoming of the newcomers, as Al-Khalifa didn’t even try to disguise his dependence on his kin (Awlad AlGharib) and used them to suppress the opposition to his rule and by forming a new personal military force.29
***
Although plenty of women worked in the market of the city to the extent that they had an entire section dedicated to them, there is general ambiguity in how women lived their lives in Mahdist Omdurman. Women’s presence in the city wasn’t sufficiently documented, as the Mahdist state had policies that required them to stay at home, and these policies reflected in the residential architecture in old Omdurman. For example, we can look at “Al-Naffaj”, which is a passage that connects the houses of the families in Omdurman, as an architectural element that encouraged women stay at home, thus avoiding the need to go out in the streets.
It is interesting that at times Omdurman was considered a “Women’s City,” particularly because the men had to go to war for long periods of time, which revived the women’s role in trade and crafts in the market. After the bloody Karari Battle (Battle of Omdurman), where 11,000 men of Al-Khalifa’s army died, Omdurman was almost entirely under women’s rule. However, the british policies changed that later and only dealt with men, as they did not acknowledge women’s rule even in their homeland. These circumstances did not deter the women’s movement in Omdurman, which continued to grow and flourish.31
***
After The Mahdist state was conquered by the Anglo-Egyptian invasion in 1898, many of the tribes migrated back to their lands, following the colonial policy to “empty the capital area of useless mouths.”33 Due to these policies, towns in Kordofan and Al-Jazirah flourished once more, as many of their inhabitants were formerly forced to stay in Omdurman by Al-Khalifa. Some were forced out of the city after the battle of Karari, while others stayed in Omdurman and made it their home. On the other bank of the Nile, Khartoum, the colonial capital city, for the second time, arose from its rubble. However, it’s new map did not include national citizens, who resided at the outskirts, which did not bother the colonizers at all.34
The planning process of Khartoum was primarily concerned with foreign elites, who resided in the Nile-neighboring areas in the north and center of the city. The colonial presence was prolific in the city’s diagonal roads that were overlaid on a gridiron pattern in an imitation of the Union Jack, the national flag of the United Kingdom.36 These diagonal roads were created first and foremost for security, as they eased the military control over the city against any kind of resistance, meanwhile the locals were left to inhabit shantytowns beyond the railroad bridge and Al-Sunut Forest.37 Khartoum in this manner was designed and planned to resemble a European city, while Omdurman was ignored and disregarded by the British as a discriminatory policy and became with –its organic nature– the primitive model that broke out of control, contrasting the modernity of Khartoum, at least in the eyes of colonizers. Paradoxically, Khartoum was seen as an ugly artificial city by Europeans who were more fascinated by Omdurman in true orientalist fashion and showed interest in visiting the city because of the “authentic” and “exotic” experience it offered.38
When the British finally began to think of planning Omdurman which –despite the out-migrations from the city– maintained an enormous population (43,000 in the year 1910). This proved to be quite difficult as the British couldn’t organize the meandering labyrinthine alleyways of the city. Also, Omdurmanis were adamant in holding onto their rights as owners of property, forcing the British to take a more conservative route than that of Khartoum.40 Henceforth, most of the city replanning concerned the road network as well as the neighborhoods that weren’t heavily populated or those that were demolished during the Anglo-Egyptian invasion.41 One such example is the old Mulazmeen quarter that was destroyed in the battle of Karari, which was then replanned and laid out decades later.
After assigning the British James Bramble as inspector of Omdurman, he converted the House of Al-Khalifa into a museum in 1928 and added a few exhibitions from the Mahdist era. That marked the beginning of the modernization process of the cultural identity of Omdurman.43 In that era, the British worked on diversifying activities as cultural, educational, health, and recreational activities were introduced to Omdurman, such as the Grand Mosque, Omdurman’s General Hospital and the Teacher’s Institute.44 The older location of Omdurman Radio was also constructed in 1940 in the Post Office Buildings,45 in addition to Bramble Cinema and National Cinema.46
Since Khartoum was constructed as a colonial city during that period, Omdurman was considered the national capital, which transformed it into the nationalists refuge as well as anyone who wished to rebel against colonialist Khartoum.48 Therefore during the Condominium rule, the headquarters of the Graduates General Congress, and later the headquarters of most of the national political parties were established in Omdurman.49 Nearby, Omdurman’s Market flourished50 after it had undergone a process of expansion and replanned of its road network as well as the reorganization of the market itself.51 Omdurman’s market famously contained important cafes, such as George Mashriqi, Wad Al-Agha, Al-Zeibaq, and Yousuf Al-Faki Cafés.52 These cafes were considered the beating heart of the city with their literary and artistic forums that hosted artists and poets –especially Haqeeba poets– and it became the center for an intellectual and political revolution in the past century; the national movement.53
Colonial policies were restrictive on mass migrations, therefore after Sudan’s independence and the lifting of these restrictions, there was considerable accerlation in the rate of migration.54 Omdurman continued to expand after Sudan’s independence, leading to the emergence of new neighborhoods, such as Al-Thawrat, Um Badda, Al-Muhandiseen, Al-Rawda, and Madinat Al-Neel, which with their vast extensions became cities in their own right.55 However, the city’s expansion became increasingly more rapid in the following decades that the planning process changed and the city entered a new era of urbanization.
Waves of migration from rural areas to Omdurman due to the attraction of the capital were motivated mostly by economic reasons. However, the largest development in the pattern of migration to the capital occurred when internally displaced persons (IDPs) fled to the capital and settled on the outskirts of the city. There are numerous drivers of displacement in Sudan that forced people to flee to the capital. The country faced many natural disasters in the beginning of the 1980s, including droughts and famines in the west and the east, which forced thousands to flee internally to the capital city. 120,000 persons have fled to Khartoum from Darfur and Kordofan alone.57 In parallel, the second civil war which took place between 1983 and 2005, forced many people to flee to Khartoum and Omdurman to escape war.58 Also the conflict in Darfur, which began in 2003, forced more people to be displaced.59 Because of these reasons, Sudan was ranked as the country with the highest number of IDPs in the world in the 1990s and 2000s, and in the year 2005, the number of IDPs reached its peak with 6.1 million IDPs in the country.60 Despite the decrease of this number through the years, Sudan’s ranking remains high in the list with 2 million IDPs.61
These enormous numbers of IDPs that arrived in the capital –in what is referred to as “the black belt”– faced denial and indifference as well as outright hostility from successive governments since the 1980s. IDPs were viewed as a threat to political stability, a burden to the economy, and a source of social and cultural tension, all of which created hardships for them in securing housing and services.62 President Nimeri (1969-1985) went as far as enforcing the (Kesha) policy: “the displaced who trekked to Khartoum from western and southern Sudan were randomly picked up by security forces and relocated either back to their places of origin or to production sites in the districts of the central region.”63
In late 1990s and early 2000s, Inqaz government (1989-2019) started some initiatives to fight poverty and marginalization, and huge numbers of low income citizens were integrated in working class districts around Khartoum, but these initiatives were interrupted by frequent random and inhumane evacuations which resulted in many human rights complaints.65
Most IDPs settled in informal housing (slums) on the outskirts of cities. Planning initiatives since the 1990s were limited to the provision of lands on the outskirts of cities, and they were ostensibly designed to decrease the pressure on the overpopulated slums, so their houses were destroyed by security forces, and they were forcibly moved to new areas known as IDP camps. Such as Dar Al-Salam and Wad Al-Bashir camps in Omdurman.66 The urban researcher Dr. Hanaa Mutasim conducted interviews with IDPs who settled in Dar Al-Salam camp and found out that most of them used to live in Al-Gamayir neighborhood in the center of Omdurman. When Dar Al-Salam camp was built, the government destroyed their houses without providing any compensations, and Al-Gamayir was re-planned into first class land plots and was named Al-Thawra, Block 6).67
Those who flee to the city are the ones who suffer the most from the lack of services and inaccessibility to livelihoods, because authorities always try to place them in the margins, out of the sight of city inhabitants. This painful reality of these camps in Omdurman was reflected in the names given by the locals who live in them. Of the examples of these names is Al-Salam camp, which is also named “Jabarona”68 (meaning they forced us). The government tried to change these names in an attempt to conceal the truth, for example the camp named “Zagalona” (meaning we were thrown out), was renamed to be “Al-Tharwa 15.”69
While the government has tried to enable IDPs to own land when it established Al-Fatih resettlement sites 40km north of Omdurman, these sites have significantly decreased the quality of life for IDPs since they are very far from the city center and provide no access to services and livelihoods for them.70 Due to these difficult circumstances, IDPs were forced to leave Al-Fatih and be displaced once more.
We must view IDP camps, relocation sites, and even informal settlements in a critical eye and how the issues of the margin are transported into the city. It’s important to consider the city’s position and acknowledgement to IDPs, since through their different architectures, have become inseparable parts of the formation of our capital, Khartoum. It is without a doubt that urbanization is a global phenomenon today, and because of that, cities must be able to predict, accommodate and be resilient towards this growth particularly towards vulnerable groups who have been displaced, marginalized and forced into cruel circumstances that encloses them in a continuous cycle of poverty and displacement.
***
The ethnic and cultural homogeneity of Omdurman that was created during the colonial era was a result of painful experiences that the inhabitants of the city have experienced. The city had its fair share of tribal tensions that rattled the city between Al-Khalifa and his relatives from the western Sudan tribes, and the relatives of Al-Mahdi and the Nilotic tribes. The fall of the Mahdist state and the painful defeat in the Karari Battle, however, united the citizens of Omdurman against colonial rule, propelling the city into an era of social cohesion and integration. These factors led to launching the national movement inorder to liberate the country from under the colonizer’s rule, thus giving birth to Omdurman’s identity as Sudan’s microcosm, the nationalists’ refuge.
However, if Omdurman is indeed seen as a model of national integration and the melting pot that shaped the Sudanese national identity through the prevailing cultural movement which started during the colonial period, some consider that this statement is not accurate, and in fact misleading. The culture of Omdurman has rejected and alienated other groups and individuals with the argument that they are not true Omdurmanis.71 Some even claim that the many migrations in the 1970s and 1980s, was the beginning of losing the image of “national identity.”
In fact, this statement calls for questioning this image; did it truly reflect the national integration that allegedly envelopes the entirety of Sudan? Professor Idris Salim says that Omdurmanis will say yes, because the image of Omdurman as Sudan's microcosm exists only in their minds.72
That national identity of Omdurman has certainly been put to the test since the 1980s and onwards. “I am Omdurman, I am Sudan” now has new meanings, as Sudan since its independence, hasn’t witnessed stability in all of its parts that were marginalized at the expense of developing the center. These displaced people have brought their grievances and destabilized Khartoum’s -and therefore, Omdurman’s- manufactured image of stability and social harmony. In fact, the image of Omdurman as microcosm of Sudan did not become a reality until it actually included people from all parts of Sudan, who were once again marginalized at city level in the midst of social elimination by native Omdurmanis.
In the face of this new challenge to the Omdurmani identity, there is no common enemy that unites Omdurmanis, as the enemy has become one another once more, similar to that of the Mahdist state. It is without a doubt that the best and ideal solution for the issue of displacement is through finding radical solutions at the root causes. However, it seems that the current complexity of the political and economic situation in Sudan makes it more challenging to achieve radical solutions in the near future. In the midst of these complexities, one may argue that one of the few options available is to address the issues of IDPs on a city level, if at the very least by changing the state’s marginalizing and discriminatory policies against them. Omdurman today is presented with a unique opportunity, since it’s image as Sudan’s microcosm has the capacity to be utilized as a realistic example to achieve social cohesion and real change, instead of utilizing its image for othering people. If Omdurman becomes able to achieve true equality on all social, cultural and economic aspects to all of its inhabitants in the future, perhaps that might carve the path towards finding actual solutions to the problems that have divided Sudan since its independence.
“I am Omdurman, I Am the Nation
Its voice, and its feelings
I am the foundation
I… the one who brought together the dispersed
Melded north with south
Poured east into west
And planted kindness on the roads
May I remain the pride of our homelands”
- Abdullah Mohammed Zain
“From Futaih, through the creek to Al Maghalig
From the highlands of Aburof to the lowlands
A stride, my lord, barefoot and clean-shaven
Following the route of the Tram”
- Khalil Farah
Omdurman has always been known as the national city, the melting pot that comprises all ethnicities, tribes, geographies and cultures, despite the internal political and economic differences. The opinions seem to vary between supporters and critics of this national identity it represents, or maybe was intended to. In our exploration of the urban history of the city, we will discuss the settings and circumstances that have contributed to the foundation of the city, taking in consideration the issue of migration and its impact on the urban fabric, as one of the most important factors, if not the most important at all, that contributed to the making of today’s Omdurman. The issue of migration will not be discussed in isolation from all the political, economic, and social factors that influenced or was influenced by the city throughout the different time periods.
***
A first time visitor of Omdurman will unmistakable take notice of the particularity of the site, as it lays between the arid western desert that extends as far as the eye can see, and the Nile, the source of life, as it slowly flows northwards toward the Mediterranean, and with its vast skies and rock-strewn ground. All these factors have shaped it into an excellent location, chosen carefully for erecting the camp of Al-Mahdi in his war against the Turco-Egyptian colonization. Nevertheless, these characteristics became ideal for the creation of a city distinguished with its unique history and culture.
The history of settlement in Omdurman highlights the importance of the location, as the excavations around Abu Anja Creek revealed remains that date back to the Lower Paleolithic era,1 and ever since, the area has remained inhabited by different groups of peoples throughout time. However, Omdurman as we know it today might have been founded by mere chance, as it was originally established as a camp for the armies of Al-Mahdi. Following that, we cannot say that the development of the city that happened afterwards was by mere chance as well, as the planning processes of the city were intentional, including the natural and spontaneous nature of the city’s architecture.
Muhammad Ahmad Al-Mahdi is a very intruiging and controversial character. He had a deep faith that he was “the Mahdi” (the rightly guided one), which greatly motivated him to launch his revolutionary movement. He set Prophet Muhammad (PBUH) as his role model which can be observed in the various similarities that exist between the characters of Al-Mahdi and Prophet Muhammad. Understanding the relation between these two figures will aid in comprehending the objectives of Al-Mahdi’s message and the establishment of the Mahdist State later. Al-Mahdi’s objective was to free the lands of the Muslims and the Sudanese, and to continue to “liberating” other states –such as Egypt- similar to the first message of Islam. One of the most important stories in the history of Omdurman that displays the mirroring between Al-Mahdi and Prophet Muhammad is how he chose the location of his house, as he left the matter to his horse until it stood, and that is how the location was decided. His house was made of mud, and following his death, he was buried there and a domed shrine was built above it in that same location where it remains to this day.2
Al-Mahdi left Ar-Rahad and headed towards Khartoum in August 1884, after ordering his followers to march to the east to free the capital city –Khartoum– from the colonizers.3 A great number of people responded to his call and a mass migration began that marked the beginning of the migration towards Omdurman. Omdurman’s sanctity for the Mahdi and his supporters could be recognized in the numerous names that were given to the city, such as Al-Buq’ah, Al-Buq’ah Al-Tahira (the Immaculate Spot) and Dar Al-Hijrah (the Land of Migration), the latter was engraved on the coins made during his reign. In addition to that existed the military advantages, as this spontaneous area had turned into a huge camp as Al-Mahdi’s supporters flocked towards that area and built houses with straw, leather and logs,4 then the city came to life.
Al-Mahdi’s wars against the Turco-Egyptian colonial rule in Sudan was crowned by liberating Khartoum in January 1885.5 However, Al-Mahdi died shortly after moving to Omdurman, and Al-Khalifa Abdullahi –his successor– ruled after him. Al-Khalifa’s reign witnessed the writing of a new history for Omdurman, starting from the moment Al-Khalifa announced Omdurman as the capital city for the Mahdist state. So how did the city grow over such a short period of time to spread over an area of more than 20 square miles?
In May 1885, Al-Khalifa ordered the evacuation of Khartoum and all its residents were to relocate to Omdurman.7 His aim was to eradicate any competition to his new capital city, thus began the destruction of the buildings of Khartoum, as their building materials were dismantled and moved to Omdurman to build new houses there.8 The fusion of different ethnic groups and cultures became a signature of Mahdist Omdurman as the city contained representatives of all Sudanese tribes that coexisted with Egyptians, Indians, Mecca Arabs, Syrians, Greeks, Italians, Turks, Ethiopians, Jews, in addition to groups of West African origins, such as Fulani, Borno, and Borgu peoples. The population of Mahdist Omdurman was estimated to be over 150,000,9 and some speculate that it even reached 400,000.10
The policies of Al-Khalifa required the settlement of as many tribal groups near him as possible, as he needed a huge military force at hand, not only to conquer other states, but also to protect the borders of his city that was surrounded with dangers from all directions. Al-Khalifa turned Omdurman to a city that adopted Khartoum’s former functions as the administrative and bureaucratic center, carrying out the various administrative and military functions of the state.11
Omdurman began to slowly form according to the strategies of Al-Khalifa, as he was the mastermind behind the city’s planning decisions that turned the scattered villages –which previously comprised Omdurman– into the capital city of his state. This planning process resulted in the creation of the main roads and yards, the market, the mosque, the barracks and other facilities in the city.12 The construction materials utilized were chosen to emphasized the power of Al-Khalifa, as the red bricks seized from the houses of the Turks in Khartoum were used, with the help of skilled engineers and technicians, to build the domed shrine of Al-Mahdi and the quarters of Al-Khalifa.13 Also, the center of the city, which consisted of the official facilities –beside the house of Al-Khalifa and the houses of his guards and family– was surrounded by a great stone wall. Some parts of this wall remain till this day, as it’s construction took almost as many years as the Mahdist state remained in power.14
Between the years 1885 and 1898, the residential areas around Omdurman began to form in an Arab-Islamic style, with vast interior yards (hosh) as a distinctive characteristic. The city followed an organic traditional style that is labyrinth-like and quite difficult to understand, as Al-Khalifa built Omdurman in a network-like style that resembles the religious voids in classical Islamic cities. This spontaneous nature to the city can be noticed in the seemingly disorganized growth of the social fabric of its population, which follows social norms and traditions that follow the principles of vernacular architecture.16
The Salafist method of Al-Khalifa and his animosity towards Sufi sects was reflected on architecture, as he prohibited any form of ornaments, except for Quranic verses. The Nubian style of house with its ornamented facades, for example, didn’t find a place in the mono-cultural Mahdist Omdurman, despite the settlement of Nubians in the city.17 In contrast to the houses of Al-Khalifa with their fortified materials, the houses of Mahdist Omdurman were mostly simple, as the houses of Nilotic peoples were built of fragile materials, such as straw and mud, that being the reason why not much of them remained. Also, the people of nomadic tribes from the west, due to their lifestyle, built semi-permanent houses that also got destroyed with time.18
Omdurman had very narrow streets and closed alleys with a distinctive characteristic of being intimate and private. People got around the city walking and rode donkeys, horses, or carts as means of transportation between houses and neighborhoods, which impacted the planning and organic design of the road network.20
The main urban element of Omdurman was the market; in fact, the establishment of Omdurman Market boosted trade movement in the city, as the small seasonal markets that mainly depended on agricultural products turned into a permanent market in the era of Al-Khalifa. It also became a destination for the different Sudanese groups and tribes, so it attracted more people from the north, south, west and east. It also attracted merchants and skilled craftsmen from neighboring countries.21
Hajj caravans, traveling all the way from West Africa, had to stop at Omdurman Market, and it became their regular route. Also merchants arrived from Egypt and India and settled in Omdurman so they can work in its market.22 The river traffic was also very active because of the boat manufacturing industry that was popular at the time, so Omdurman became the destination of many tribes that lived on the banks of Blue Nile, White Nile, and River Nile. Most of the roads in old Omdurman, and especially in the northwestern side, led to the Market. Because of these factors, Omdurman Market became a key pillar for the city, and the focal point of intersection that drew people from all directions.23
Travelers from West Africa used to depart heading eastwards to Mecca. They embarked on their journey usually without enough funds to sustain their travel expenses, therefore they stayed and worked in places along their route in order to afford their journey. Omdurman, which was already on their pilgrimage route to Mecca,25 welcomed and sheltered them, although the Mahdist state and Al-Khalifa regularly recruited them in his army.26
***
The newly formed Mahdist state faced many battles against different states, as it was threatened on its borders with both Egypt and Ethiopia, in addition to having internal conflicts. In order to strengthen and increase his armies, and because of his distrust towards the other tribes that were against his succession and sovereignty, Al-Khalifa ordered the tribes of Ta’aisha and Baggara to forcefully migrate from Darfur to Omdurman. This decision had a huge impact on the economic and political state of Omdurman, and perhaps the country in its entirety.
It is important to note that the Ta’aisha and Baggara are nomads who worked in agriculture or cattle grazing, but by forcibly displacing them to Omdurman, Al-Khalifa turned them from a productive group for the state to soldiers in his army. On their way through Kordofan, they consumed their sorghum stock, and when they reached Omdurman became a privileged elite. Their status and kinship to Al-Khalifa saw that they were provided with all types of supplies and foods, which impacted the state’s reserve. Their migration coincided with a year of very low harvest, due to the droughts in the past season. Because of these conditions, the country underwent one of its worst famines, the famine of “the year 6” (1306/1890).27
The failure of the Mahdist state to relieve the famine that hit its citizens due to the militarization and the calls for Jihad, put the state in a dilemma. The state was completely unable to meet the needs of its population as well as maintain it’s war economy which was imposed on it since its inception.28 The economic policy of the state, the boycott of Egypt, and the decrease of trade movement were all factors that worsened the situation. Al-Khalifa did not foresee the impact of his policies on his economically weak state. Also, the migration of Ta’aisha and Baggara had great political and economic consequences, as the citizens of Omdurman, particularly those of Nilotic origins (Awlad Al-Bahar) and relatives of Al-Mahdi –who thought they were more entitled to become successors of Al-Mahdi– did not see any reason to be welcoming of the newcomers, as Al-Khalifa didn’t even try to disguise his dependence on his kin (Awlad AlGharib) and used them to suppress the opposition to his rule and by forming a new personal military force.29
***
Although plenty of women worked in the market of the city to the extent that they had an entire section dedicated to them, there is general ambiguity in how women lived their lives in Mahdist Omdurman. Women’s presence in the city wasn’t sufficiently documented, as the Mahdist state had policies that required them to stay at home, and these policies reflected in the residential architecture in old Omdurman. For example, we can look at “Al-Naffaj”, which is a passage that connects the houses of the families in Omdurman, as an architectural element that encouraged women stay at home, thus avoiding the need to go out in the streets.
It is interesting that at times Omdurman was considered a “Women’s City,” particularly because the men had to go to war for long periods of time, which revived the women’s role in trade and crafts in the market. After the bloody Karari Battle (Battle of Omdurman), where 11,000 men of Al-Khalifa’s army died, Omdurman was almost entirely under women’s rule. However, the british policies changed that later and only dealt with men, as they did not acknowledge women’s rule even in their homeland. These circumstances did not deter the women’s movement in Omdurman, which continued to grow and flourish.31
***
After The Mahdist state was conquered by the Anglo-Egyptian invasion in 1898, many of the tribes migrated back to their lands, following the colonial policy to “empty the capital area of useless mouths.”33 Due to these policies, towns in Kordofan and Al-Jazirah flourished once more, as many of their inhabitants were formerly forced to stay in Omdurman by Al-Khalifa. Some were forced out of the city after the battle of Karari, while others stayed in Omdurman and made it their home. On the other bank of the Nile, Khartoum, the colonial capital city, for the second time, arose from its rubble. However, it’s new map did not include national citizens, who resided at the outskirts, which did not bother the colonizers at all.34
The planning process of Khartoum was primarily concerned with foreign elites, who resided in the Nile-neighboring areas in the north and center of the city. The colonial presence was prolific in the city’s diagonal roads that were overlaid on a gridiron pattern in an imitation of the Union Jack, the national flag of the United Kingdom.36 These diagonal roads were created first and foremost for security, as they eased the military control over the city against any kind of resistance, meanwhile the locals were left to inhabit shantytowns beyond the railroad bridge and Al-Sunut Forest.37 Khartoum in this manner was designed and planned to resemble a European city, while Omdurman was ignored and disregarded by the British as a discriminatory policy and became with –its organic nature– the primitive model that broke out of control, contrasting the modernity of Khartoum, at least in the eyes of colonizers. Paradoxically, Khartoum was seen as an ugly artificial city by Europeans who were more fascinated by Omdurman in true orientalist fashion and showed interest in visiting the city because of the “authentic” and “exotic” experience it offered.38
When the British finally began to think of planning Omdurman which –despite the out-migrations from the city– maintained an enormous population (43,000 in the year 1910). This proved to be quite difficult as the British couldn’t organize the meandering labyrinthine alleyways of the city. Also, Omdurmanis were adamant in holding onto their rights as owners of property, forcing the British to take a more conservative route than that of Khartoum.40 Henceforth, most of the city replanning concerned the road network as well as the neighborhoods that weren’t heavily populated or those that were demolished during the Anglo-Egyptian invasion.41 One such example is the old Mulazmeen quarter that was destroyed in the battle of Karari, which was then replanned and laid out decades later.
After assigning the British James Bramble as inspector of Omdurman, he converted the House of Al-Khalifa into a museum in 1928 and added a few exhibitions from the Mahdist era. That marked the beginning of the modernization process of the cultural identity of Omdurman.43 In that era, the British worked on diversifying activities as cultural, educational, health, and recreational activities were introduced to Omdurman, such as the Grand Mosque, Omdurman’s General Hospital and the Teacher’s Institute.44 The older location of Omdurman Radio was also constructed in 1940 in the Post Office Buildings,45 in addition to Bramble Cinema and National Cinema.46
Since Khartoum was constructed as a colonial city during that period, Omdurman was considered the national capital, which transformed it into the nationalists refuge as well as anyone who wished to rebel against colonialist Khartoum.48 Therefore during the Condominium rule, the headquarters of the Graduates General Congress, and later the headquarters of most of the national political parties were established in Omdurman.49 Nearby, Omdurman’s Market flourished50 after it had undergone a process of expansion and replanned of its road network as well as the reorganization of the market itself.51 Omdurman’s market famously contained important cafes, such as George Mashriqi, Wad Al-Agha, Al-Zeibaq, and Yousuf Al-Faki Cafés.52 These cafes were considered the beating heart of the city with their literary and artistic forums that hosted artists and poets –especially Haqeeba poets– and it became the center for an intellectual and political revolution in the past century; the national movement.53
Colonial policies were restrictive on mass migrations, therefore after Sudan’s independence and the lifting of these restrictions, there was considerable accerlation in the rate of migration.54 Omdurman continued to expand after Sudan’s independence, leading to the emergence of new neighborhoods, such as Al-Thawrat, Um Badda, Al-Muhandiseen, Al-Rawda, and Madinat Al-Neel, which with their vast extensions became cities in their own right.55 However, the city’s expansion became increasingly more rapid in the following decades that the planning process changed and the city entered a new era of urbanization.
Waves of migration from rural areas to Omdurman due to the attraction of the capital were motivated mostly by economic reasons. However, the largest development in the pattern of migration to the capital occurred when internally displaced persons (IDPs) fled to the capital and settled on the outskirts of the city. There are numerous drivers of displacement in Sudan that forced people to flee to the capital. The country faced many natural disasters in the beginning of the 1980s, including droughts and famines in the west and the east, which forced thousands to flee internally to the capital city. 120,000 persons have fled to Khartoum from Darfur and Kordofan alone.57 In parallel, the second civil war which took place between 1983 and 2005, forced many people to flee to Khartoum and Omdurman to escape war.58 Also the conflict in Darfur, which began in 2003, forced more people to be displaced.59 Because of these reasons, Sudan was ranked as the country with the highest number of IDPs in the world in the 1990s and 2000s, and in the year 2005, the number of IDPs reached its peak with 6.1 million IDPs in the country.60 Despite the decrease of this number through the years, Sudan’s ranking remains high in the list with 2 million IDPs.61
These enormous numbers of IDPs that arrived in the capital –in what is referred to as “the black belt”– faced denial and indifference as well as outright hostility from successive governments since the 1980s. IDPs were viewed as a threat to political stability, a burden to the economy, and a source of social and cultural tension, all of which created hardships for them in securing housing and services.62 President Nimeri (1969-1985) went as far as enforcing the (Kesha) policy: “the displaced who trekked to Khartoum from western and southern Sudan were randomly picked up by security forces and relocated either back to their places of origin or to production sites in the districts of the central region.”63
In late 1990s and early 2000s, Inqaz government (1989-2019) started some initiatives to fight poverty and marginalization, and huge numbers of low income citizens were integrated in working class districts around Khartoum, but these initiatives were interrupted by frequent random and inhumane evacuations which resulted in many human rights complaints.65
Most IDPs settled in informal housing (slums) on the outskirts of cities. Planning initiatives since the 1990s were limited to the provision of lands on the outskirts of cities, and they were ostensibly designed to decrease the pressure on the overpopulated slums, so their houses were destroyed by security forces, and they were forcibly moved to new areas known as IDP camps. Such as Dar Al-Salam and Wad Al-Bashir camps in Omdurman.66 The urban researcher Dr. Hanaa Mutasim conducted interviews with IDPs who settled in Dar Al-Salam camp and found out that most of them used to live in Al-Gamayir neighborhood in the center of Omdurman. When Dar Al-Salam camp was built, the government destroyed their houses without providing any compensations, and Al-Gamayir was re-planned into first class land plots and was named Al-Thawra, Block 6).67
Those who flee to the city are the ones who suffer the most from the lack of services and inaccessibility to livelihoods, because authorities always try to place them in the margins, out of the sight of city inhabitants. This painful reality of these camps in Omdurman was reflected in the names given by the locals who live in them. Of the examples of these names is Al-Salam camp, which is also named “Jabarona”68 (meaning they forced us). The government tried to change these names in an attempt to conceal the truth, for example the camp named “Zagalona” (meaning we were thrown out), was renamed to be “Al-Tharwa 15.”69
While the government has tried to enable IDPs to own land when it established Al-Fatih resettlement sites 40km north of Omdurman, these sites have significantly decreased the quality of life for IDPs since they are very far from the city center and provide no access to services and livelihoods for them.70 Due to these difficult circumstances, IDPs were forced to leave Al-Fatih and be displaced once more.
We must view IDP camps, relocation sites, and even informal settlements in a critical eye and how the issues of the margin are transported into the city. It’s important to consider the city’s position and acknowledgement to IDPs, since through their different architectures, have become inseparable parts of the formation of our capital, Khartoum. It is without a doubt that urbanization is a global phenomenon today, and because of that, cities must be able to predict, accommodate and be resilient towards this growth particularly towards vulnerable groups who have been displaced, marginalized and forced into cruel circumstances that encloses them in a continuous cycle of poverty and displacement.
***
The ethnic and cultural homogeneity of Omdurman that was created during the colonial era was a result of painful experiences that the inhabitants of the city have experienced. The city had its fair share of tribal tensions that rattled the city between Al-Khalifa and his relatives from the western Sudan tribes, and the relatives of Al-Mahdi and the Nilotic tribes. The fall of the Mahdist state and the painful defeat in the Karari Battle, however, united the citizens of Omdurman against colonial rule, propelling the city into an era of social cohesion and integration. These factors led to launching the national movement inorder to liberate the country from under the colonizer’s rule, thus giving birth to Omdurman’s identity as Sudan’s microcosm, the nationalists’ refuge.
However, if Omdurman is indeed seen as a model of national integration and the melting pot that shaped the Sudanese national identity through the prevailing cultural movement which started during the colonial period, some consider that this statement is not accurate, and in fact misleading. The culture of Omdurman has rejected and alienated other groups and individuals with the argument that they are not true Omdurmanis.71 Some even claim that the many migrations in the 1970s and 1980s, was the beginning of losing the image of “national identity.”
In fact, this statement calls for questioning this image; did it truly reflect the national integration that allegedly envelopes the entirety of Sudan? Professor Idris Salim says that Omdurmanis will say yes, because the image of Omdurman as Sudan's microcosm exists only in their minds.72
That national identity of Omdurman has certainly been put to the test since the 1980s and onwards. “I am Omdurman, I am Sudan” now has new meanings, as Sudan since its independence, hasn’t witnessed stability in all of its parts that were marginalized at the expense of developing the center. These displaced people have brought their grievances and destabilized Khartoum’s -and therefore, Omdurman’s- manufactured image of stability and social harmony. In fact, the image of Omdurman as microcosm of Sudan did not become a reality until it actually included people from all parts of Sudan, who were once again marginalized at city level in the midst of social elimination by native Omdurmanis.
In the face of this new challenge to the Omdurmani identity, there is no common enemy that unites Omdurmanis, as the enemy has become one another once more, similar to that of the Mahdist state. It is without a doubt that the best and ideal solution for the issue of displacement is through finding radical solutions at the root causes. However, it seems that the current complexity of the political and economic situation in Sudan makes it more challenging to achieve radical solutions in the near future. In the midst of these complexities, one may argue that one of the few options available is to address the issues of IDPs on a city level, if at the very least by changing the state’s marginalizing and discriminatory policies against them. Omdurman today is presented with a unique opportunity, since it’s image as Sudan’s microcosm has the capacity to be utilized as a realistic example to achieve social cohesion and real change, instead of utilizing its image for othering people. If Omdurman becomes able to achieve true equality on all social, cultural and economic aspects to all of its inhabitants in the future, perhaps that might carve the path towards finding actual solutions to the problems that have divided Sudan since its independence.
“I am Omdurman, I Am the Nation
Its voice, and its feelings
I am the foundation
I… the one who brought together the dispersed
Melded north with south
Poured east into west
And planted kindness on the roads
May I remain the pride of our homelands”
- Abdullah Mohammed Zain
“From Futaih, through the creek to Al Maghalig
From the highlands of Aburof to the lowlands
A stride, my lord, barefoot and clean-shaven
Following the route of the Tram”
- Khalil Farah
Omdurman has always been known as the national city, the melting pot that comprises all ethnicities, tribes, geographies and cultures, despite the internal political and economic differences. The opinions seem to vary between supporters and critics of this national identity it represents, or maybe was intended to. In our exploration of the urban history of the city, we will discuss the settings and circumstances that have contributed to the foundation of the city, taking in consideration the issue of migration and its impact on the urban fabric, as one of the most important factors, if not the most important at all, that contributed to the making of today’s Omdurman. The issue of migration will not be discussed in isolation from all the political, economic, and social factors that influenced or was influenced by the city throughout the different time periods.
***
A first time visitor of Omdurman will unmistakable take notice of the particularity of the site, as it lays between the arid western desert that extends as far as the eye can see, and the Nile, the source of life, as it slowly flows northwards toward the Mediterranean, and with its vast skies and rock-strewn ground. All these factors have shaped it into an excellent location, chosen carefully for erecting the camp of Al-Mahdi in his war against the Turco-Egyptian colonization. Nevertheless, these characteristics became ideal for the creation of a city distinguished with its unique history and culture.
The history of settlement in Omdurman highlights the importance of the location, as the excavations around Abu Anja Creek revealed remains that date back to the Lower Paleolithic era,1 and ever since, the area has remained inhabited by different groups of peoples throughout time. However, Omdurman as we know it today might have been founded by mere chance, as it was originally established as a camp for the armies of Al-Mahdi. Following that, we cannot say that the development of the city that happened afterwards was by mere chance as well, as the planning processes of the city were intentional, including the natural and spontaneous nature of the city’s architecture.
Muhammad Ahmad Al-Mahdi is a very intruiging and controversial character. He had a deep faith that he was “the Mahdi” (the rightly guided one), which greatly motivated him to launch his revolutionary movement. He set Prophet Muhammad (PBUH) as his role model which can be observed in the various similarities that exist between the characters of Al-Mahdi and Prophet Muhammad. Understanding the relation between these two figures will aid in comprehending the objectives of Al-Mahdi’s message and the establishment of the Mahdist State later. Al-Mahdi’s objective was to free the lands of the Muslims and the Sudanese, and to continue to “liberating” other states –such as Egypt- similar to the first message of Islam. One of the most important stories in the history of Omdurman that displays the mirroring between Al-Mahdi and Prophet Muhammad is how he chose the location of his house, as he left the matter to his horse until it stood, and that is how the location was decided. His house was made of mud, and following his death, he was buried there and a domed shrine was built above it in that same location where it remains to this day.2
Al-Mahdi left Ar-Rahad and headed towards Khartoum in August 1884, after ordering his followers to march to the east to free the capital city –Khartoum– from the colonizers.3 A great number of people responded to his call and a mass migration began that marked the beginning of the migration towards Omdurman. Omdurman’s sanctity for the Mahdi and his supporters could be recognized in the numerous names that were given to the city, such as Al-Buq’ah, Al-Buq’ah Al-Tahira (the Immaculate Spot) and Dar Al-Hijrah (the Land of Migration), the latter was engraved on the coins made during his reign. In addition to that existed the military advantages, as this spontaneous area had turned into a huge camp as Al-Mahdi’s supporters flocked towards that area and built houses with straw, leather and logs,4 then the city came to life.
Al-Mahdi’s wars against the Turco-Egyptian colonial rule in Sudan was crowned by liberating Khartoum in January 1885.5 However, Al-Mahdi died shortly after moving to Omdurman, and Al-Khalifa Abdullahi –his successor– ruled after him. Al-Khalifa’s reign witnessed the writing of a new history for Omdurman, starting from the moment Al-Khalifa announced Omdurman as the capital city for the Mahdist state. So how did the city grow over such a short period of time to spread over an area of more than 20 square miles?
In May 1885, Al-Khalifa ordered the evacuation of Khartoum and all its residents were to relocate to Omdurman.7 His aim was to eradicate any competition to his new capital city, thus began the destruction of the buildings of Khartoum, as their building materials were dismantled and moved to Omdurman to build new houses there.8 The fusion of different ethnic groups and cultures became a signature of Mahdist Omdurman as the city contained representatives of all Sudanese tribes that coexisted with Egyptians, Indians, Mecca Arabs, Syrians, Greeks, Italians, Turks, Ethiopians, Jews, in addition to groups of West African origins, such as Fulani, Borno, and Borgu peoples. The population of Mahdist Omdurman was estimated to be over 150,000,9 and some speculate that it even reached 400,000.10
The policies of Al-Khalifa required the settlement of as many tribal groups near him as possible, as he needed a huge military force at hand, not only to conquer other states, but also to protect the borders of his city that was surrounded with dangers from all directions. Al-Khalifa turned Omdurman to a city that adopted Khartoum’s former functions as the administrative and bureaucratic center, carrying out the various administrative and military functions of the state.11
Omdurman began to slowly form according to the strategies of Al-Khalifa, as he was the mastermind behind the city’s planning decisions that turned the scattered villages –which previously comprised Omdurman– into the capital city of his state. This planning process resulted in the creation of the main roads and yards, the market, the mosque, the barracks and other facilities in the city.12 The construction materials utilized were chosen to emphasized the power of Al-Khalifa, as the red bricks seized from the houses of the Turks in Khartoum were used, with the help of skilled engineers and technicians, to build the domed shrine of Al-Mahdi and the quarters of Al-Khalifa.13 Also, the center of the city, which consisted of the official facilities –beside the house of Al-Khalifa and the houses of his guards and family– was surrounded by a great stone wall. Some parts of this wall remain till this day, as it’s construction took almost as many years as the Mahdist state remained in power.14
Between the years 1885 and 1898, the residential areas around Omdurman began to form in an Arab-Islamic style, with vast interior yards (hosh) as a distinctive characteristic. The city followed an organic traditional style that is labyrinth-like and quite difficult to understand, as Al-Khalifa built Omdurman in a network-like style that resembles the religious voids in classical Islamic cities. This spontaneous nature to the city can be noticed in the seemingly disorganized growth of the social fabric of its population, which follows social norms and traditions that follow the principles of vernacular architecture.16
The Salafist method of Al-Khalifa and his animosity towards Sufi sects was reflected on architecture, as he prohibited any form of ornaments, except for Quranic verses. The Nubian style of house with its ornamented facades, for example, didn’t find a place in the mono-cultural Mahdist Omdurman, despite the settlement of Nubians in the city.17 In contrast to the houses of Al-Khalifa with their fortified materials, the houses of Mahdist Omdurman were mostly simple, as the houses of Nilotic peoples were built of fragile materials, such as straw and mud, that being the reason why not much of them remained. Also, the people of nomadic tribes from the west, due to their lifestyle, built semi-permanent houses that also got destroyed with time.18
Omdurman had very narrow streets and closed alleys with a distinctive characteristic of being intimate and private. People got around the city walking and rode donkeys, horses, or carts as means of transportation between houses and neighborhoods, which impacted the planning and organic design of the road network.20
The main urban element of Omdurman was the market; in fact, the establishment of Omdurman Market boosted trade movement in the city, as the small seasonal markets that mainly depended on agricultural products turned into a permanent market in the era of Al-Khalifa. It also became a destination for the different Sudanese groups and tribes, so it attracted more people from the north, south, west and east. It also attracted merchants and skilled craftsmen from neighboring countries.21
Hajj caravans, traveling all the way from West Africa, had to stop at Omdurman Market, and it became their regular route. Also merchants arrived from Egypt and India and settled in Omdurman so they can work in its market.22 The river traffic was also very active because of the boat manufacturing industry that was popular at the time, so Omdurman became the destination of many tribes that lived on the banks of Blue Nile, White Nile, and River Nile. Most of the roads in old Omdurman, and especially in the northwestern side, led to the Market. Because of these factors, Omdurman Market became a key pillar for the city, and the focal point of intersection that drew people from all directions.23
Travelers from West Africa used to depart heading eastwards to Mecca. They embarked on their journey usually without enough funds to sustain their travel expenses, therefore they stayed and worked in places along their route in order to afford their journey. Omdurman, which was already on their pilgrimage route to Mecca,25 welcomed and sheltered them, although the Mahdist state and Al-Khalifa regularly recruited them in his army.26
***
The newly formed Mahdist state faced many battles against different states, as it was threatened on its borders with both Egypt and Ethiopia, in addition to having internal conflicts. In order to strengthen and increase his armies, and because of his distrust towards the other tribes that were against his succession and sovereignty, Al-Khalifa ordered the tribes of Ta’aisha and Baggara to forcefully migrate from Darfur to Omdurman. This decision had a huge impact on the economic and political state of Omdurman, and perhaps the country in its entirety.
It is important to note that the Ta’aisha and Baggara are nomads who worked in agriculture or cattle grazing, but by forcibly displacing them to Omdurman, Al-Khalifa turned them from a productive group for the state to soldiers in his army. On their way through Kordofan, they consumed their sorghum stock, and when they reached Omdurman became a privileged elite. Their status and kinship to Al-Khalifa saw that they were provided with all types of supplies and foods, which impacted the state’s reserve. Their migration coincided with a year of very low harvest, due to the droughts in the past season. Because of these conditions, the country underwent one of its worst famines, the famine of “the year 6” (1306/1890).27
The failure of the Mahdist state to relieve the famine that hit its citizens due to the militarization and the calls for Jihad, put the state in a dilemma. The state was completely unable to meet the needs of its population as well as maintain it’s war economy which was imposed on it since its inception.28 The economic policy of the state, the boycott of Egypt, and the decrease of trade movement were all factors that worsened the situation. Al-Khalifa did not foresee the impact of his policies on his economically weak state. Also, the migration of Ta’aisha and Baggara had great political and economic consequences, as the citizens of Omdurman, particularly those of Nilotic origins (Awlad Al-Bahar) and relatives of Al-Mahdi –who thought they were more entitled to become successors of Al-Mahdi– did not see any reason to be welcoming of the newcomers, as Al-Khalifa didn’t even try to disguise his dependence on his kin (Awlad AlGharib) and used them to suppress the opposition to his rule and by forming a new personal military force.29
***
Although plenty of women worked in the market of the city to the extent that they had an entire section dedicated to them, there is general ambiguity in how women lived their lives in Mahdist Omdurman. Women’s presence in the city wasn’t sufficiently documented, as the Mahdist state had policies that required them to stay at home, and these policies reflected in the residential architecture in old Omdurman. For example, we can look at “Al-Naffaj”, which is a passage that connects the houses of the families in Omdurman, as an architectural element that encouraged women stay at home, thus avoiding the need to go out in the streets.
It is interesting that at times Omdurman was considered a “Women’s City,” particularly because the men had to go to war for long periods of time, which revived the women’s role in trade and crafts in the market. After the bloody Karari Battle (Battle of Omdurman), where 11,000 men of Al-Khalifa’s army died, Omdurman was almost entirely under women’s rule. However, the british policies changed that later and only dealt with men, as they did not acknowledge women’s rule even in their homeland. These circumstances did not deter the women’s movement in Omdurman, which continued to grow and flourish.31
***
After The Mahdist state was conquered by the Anglo-Egyptian invasion in 1898, many of the tribes migrated back to their lands, following the colonial policy to “empty the capital area of useless mouths.”33 Due to these policies, towns in Kordofan and Al-Jazirah flourished once more, as many of their inhabitants were formerly forced to stay in Omdurman by Al-Khalifa. Some were forced out of the city after the battle of Karari, while others stayed in Omdurman and made it their home. On the other bank of the Nile, Khartoum, the colonial capital city, for the second time, arose from its rubble. However, it’s new map did not include national citizens, who resided at the outskirts, which did not bother the colonizers at all.34
The planning process of Khartoum was primarily concerned with foreign elites, who resided in the Nile-neighboring areas in the north and center of the city. The colonial presence was prolific in the city’s diagonal roads that were overlaid on a gridiron pattern in an imitation of the Union Jack, the national flag of the United Kingdom.36 These diagonal roads were created first and foremost for security, as they eased the military control over the city against any kind of resistance, meanwhile the locals were left to inhabit shantytowns beyond the railroad bridge and Al-Sunut Forest.37 Khartoum in this manner was designed and planned to resemble a European city, while Omdurman was ignored and disregarded by the British as a discriminatory policy and became with –its organic nature– the primitive model that broke out of control, contrasting the modernity of Khartoum, at least in the eyes of colonizers. Paradoxically, Khartoum was seen as an ugly artificial city by Europeans who were more fascinated by Omdurman in true orientalist fashion and showed interest in visiting the city because of the “authentic” and “exotic” experience it offered.38
When the British finally began to think of planning Omdurman which –despite the out-migrations from the city– maintained an enormous population (43,000 in the year 1910). This proved to be quite difficult as the British couldn’t organize the meandering labyrinthine alleyways of the city. Also, Omdurmanis were adamant in holding onto their rights as owners of property, forcing the British to take a more conservative route than that of Khartoum.40 Henceforth, most of the city replanning concerned the road network as well as the neighborhoods that weren’t heavily populated or those that were demolished during the Anglo-Egyptian invasion.41 One such example is the old Mulazmeen quarter that was destroyed in the battle of Karari, which was then replanned and laid out decades later.
After assigning the British James Bramble as inspector of Omdurman, he converted the House of Al-Khalifa into a museum in 1928 and added a few exhibitions from the Mahdist era. That marked the beginning of the modernization process of the cultural identity of Omdurman.43 In that era, the British worked on diversifying activities as cultural, educational, health, and recreational activities were introduced to Omdurman, such as the Grand Mosque, Omdurman’s General Hospital and the Teacher’s Institute.44 The older location of Omdurman Radio was also constructed in 1940 in the Post Office Buildings,45 in addition to Bramble Cinema and National Cinema.46
Since Khartoum was constructed as a colonial city during that period, Omdurman was considered the national capital, which transformed it into the nationalists refuge as well as anyone who wished to rebel against colonialist Khartoum.48 Therefore during the Condominium rule, the headquarters of the Graduates General Congress, and later the headquarters of most of the national political parties were established in Omdurman.49 Nearby, Omdurman’s Market flourished50 after it had undergone a process of expansion and replanned of its road network as well as the reorganization of the market itself.51 Omdurman’s market famously contained important cafes, such as George Mashriqi, Wad Al-Agha, Al-Zeibaq, and Yousuf Al-Faki Cafés.52 These cafes were considered the beating heart of the city with their literary and artistic forums that hosted artists and poets –especially Haqeeba poets– and it became the center for an intellectual and political revolution in the past century; the national movement.53
Colonial policies were restrictive on mass migrations, therefore after Sudan’s independence and the lifting of these restrictions, there was considerable accerlation in the rate of migration.54 Omdurman continued to expand after Sudan’s independence, leading to the emergence of new neighborhoods, such as Al-Thawrat, Um Badda, Al-Muhandiseen, Al-Rawda, and Madinat Al-Neel, which with their vast extensions became cities in their own right.55 However, the city’s expansion became increasingly more rapid in the following decades that the planning process changed and the city entered a new era of urbanization.
Waves of migration from rural areas to Omdurman due to the attraction of the capital were motivated mostly by economic reasons. However, the largest development in the pattern of migration to the capital occurred when internally displaced persons (IDPs) fled to the capital and settled on the outskirts of the city. There are numerous drivers of displacement in Sudan that forced people to flee to the capital. The country faced many natural disasters in the beginning of the 1980s, including droughts and famines in the west and the east, which forced thousands to flee internally to the capital city. 120,000 persons have fled to Khartoum from Darfur and Kordofan alone.57 In parallel, the second civil war which took place between 1983 and 2005, forced many people to flee to Khartoum and Omdurman to escape war.58 Also the conflict in Darfur, which began in 2003, forced more people to be displaced.59 Because of these reasons, Sudan was ranked as the country with the highest number of IDPs in the world in the 1990s and 2000s, and in the year 2005, the number of IDPs reached its peak with 6.1 million IDPs in the country.60 Despite the decrease of this number through the years, Sudan’s ranking remains high in the list with 2 million IDPs.61
These enormous numbers of IDPs that arrived in the capital –in what is referred to as “the black belt”– faced denial and indifference as well as outright hostility from successive governments since the 1980s. IDPs were viewed as a threat to political stability, a burden to the economy, and a source of social and cultural tension, all of which created hardships for them in securing housing and services.62 President Nimeri (1969-1985) went as far as enforcing the (Kesha) policy: “the displaced who trekked to Khartoum from western and southern Sudan were randomly picked up by security forces and relocated either back to their places of origin or to production sites in the districts of the central region.”63
In late 1990s and early 2000s, Inqaz government (1989-2019) started some initiatives to fight poverty and marginalization, and huge numbers of low income citizens were integrated in working class districts around Khartoum, but these initiatives were interrupted by frequent random and inhumane evacuations which resulted in many human rights complaints.65
Most IDPs settled in informal housing (slums) on the outskirts of cities. Planning initiatives since the 1990s were limited to the provision of lands on the outskirts of cities, and they were ostensibly designed to decrease the pressure on the overpopulated slums, so their houses were destroyed by security forces, and they were forcibly moved to new areas known as IDP camps. Such as Dar Al-Salam and Wad Al-Bashir camps in Omdurman.66 The urban researcher Dr. Hanaa Mutasim conducted interviews with IDPs who settled in Dar Al-Salam camp and found out that most of them used to live in Al-Gamayir neighborhood in the center of Omdurman. When Dar Al-Salam camp was built, the government destroyed their houses without providing any compensations, and Al-Gamayir was re-planned into first class land plots and was named Al-Thawra, Block 6).67
Those who flee to the city are the ones who suffer the most from the lack of services and inaccessibility to livelihoods, because authorities always try to place them in the margins, out of the sight of city inhabitants. This painful reality of these camps in Omdurman was reflected in the names given by the locals who live in them. Of the examples of these names is Al-Salam camp, which is also named “Jabarona”68 (meaning they forced us). The government tried to change these names in an attempt to conceal the truth, for example the camp named “Zagalona” (meaning we were thrown out), was renamed to be “Al-Tharwa 15.”69
While the government has tried to enable IDPs to own land when it established Al-Fatih resettlement sites 40km north of Omdurman, these sites have significantly decreased the quality of life for IDPs since they are very far from the city center and provide no access to services and livelihoods for them.70 Due to these difficult circumstances, IDPs were forced to leave Al-Fatih and be displaced once more.
We must view IDP camps, relocation sites, and even informal settlements in a critical eye and how the issues of the margin are transported into the city. It’s important to consider the city’s position and acknowledgement to IDPs, since through their different architectures, have become inseparable parts of the formation of our capital, Khartoum. It is without a doubt that urbanization is a global phenomenon today, and because of that, cities must be able to predict, accommodate and be resilient towards this growth particularly towards vulnerable groups who have been displaced, marginalized and forced into cruel circumstances that encloses them in a continuous cycle of poverty and displacement.
***
The ethnic and cultural homogeneity of Omdurman that was created during the colonial era was a result of painful experiences that the inhabitants of the city have experienced. The city had its fair share of tribal tensions that rattled the city between Al-Khalifa and his relatives from the western Sudan tribes, and the relatives of Al-Mahdi and the Nilotic tribes. The fall of the Mahdist state and the painful defeat in the Karari Battle, however, united the citizens of Omdurman against colonial rule, propelling the city into an era of social cohesion and integration. These factors led to launching the national movement inorder to liberate the country from under the colonizer’s rule, thus giving birth to Omdurman’s identity as Sudan’s microcosm, the nationalists’ refuge.
However, if Omdurman is indeed seen as a model of national integration and the melting pot that shaped the Sudanese national identity through the prevailing cultural movement which started during the colonial period, some consider that this statement is not accurate, and in fact misleading. The culture of Omdurman has rejected and alienated other groups and individuals with the argument that they are not true Omdurmanis.71 Some even claim that the many migrations in the 1970s and 1980s, was the beginning of losing the image of “national identity.”
In fact, this statement calls for questioning this image; did it truly reflect the national integration that allegedly envelopes the entirety of Sudan? Professor Idris Salim says that Omdurmanis will say yes, because the image of Omdurman as Sudan's microcosm exists only in their minds.72
That national identity of Omdurman has certainly been put to the test since the 1980s and onwards. “I am Omdurman, I am Sudan” now has new meanings, as Sudan since its independence, hasn’t witnessed stability in all of its parts that were marginalized at the expense of developing the center. These displaced people have brought their grievances and destabilized Khartoum’s -and therefore, Omdurman’s- manufactured image of stability and social harmony. In fact, the image of Omdurman as microcosm of Sudan did not become a reality until it actually included people from all parts of Sudan, who were once again marginalized at city level in the midst of social elimination by native Omdurmanis.
In the face of this new challenge to the Omdurmani identity, there is no common enemy that unites Omdurmanis, as the enemy has become one another once more, similar to that of the Mahdist state. It is without a doubt that the best and ideal solution for the issue of displacement is through finding radical solutions at the root causes. However, it seems that the current complexity of the political and economic situation in Sudan makes it more challenging to achieve radical solutions in the near future. In the midst of these complexities, one may argue that one of the few options available is to address the issues of IDPs on a city level, if at the very least by changing the state’s marginalizing and discriminatory policies against them. Omdurman today is presented with a unique opportunity, since it’s image as Sudan’s microcosm has the capacity to be utilized as a realistic example to achieve social cohesion and real change, instead of utilizing its image for othering people. If Omdurman becomes able to achieve true equality on all social, cultural and economic aspects to all of its inhabitants in the future, perhaps that might carve the path towards finding actual solutions to the problems that have divided Sudan since its independence.
Street Life
Street Life
Tea ladies are a staple feature of urban street life in Sudan. Their occupation arose from the unfortunate economic situation faced by many women who were displaced to Khartoum due to war and famine. As a last resort, many women started selling hot beverages on street corners and waterfronts around the city, creating a unique culture around their kanoons, or coal stoves. People of all ages and genders gather on short stools to meet, wait near hospitals or government offices, pass the time, or simply enjoy the service. With the lack of public space infrastructure and furniture, they fulfill a specific need not met by anyone else, public or private.
The tea ladies' journey was never easy. They had to unionize to fight the continuous injustices they encountered throughout the years, playing significant roles during pivotal moments in the civic struggle in Khartoum.
In film Hyat (Arabic for life) prepares traditional coffee on the street in front of Omdurman's Khalifa Mosque; roasting and grinding the beans before cooking and serving the coffee.
This film is part of a collection of documentary films that has been filmed and produced as part of the Western Sudan Community Museums project WSCM which was originally intended to be showcased in 3 museums around Sudan, Khalifa House Museum in Omdurman, Khartoum, Sheikan Museum in Obaid, North Kordofan, and Darfur Museum in Nyala, South Darfur. These films show various explanations of the history of important historical sites related to the exhibitions of these museums. All films in this collection were produced by Mark Whatmore and Yoho Media.
Cover picture © Mark Whatmore
Tea ladies are a staple feature of urban street life in Sudan. Their occupation arose from the unfortunate economic situation faced by many women who were displaced to Khartoum due to war and famine. As a last resort, many women started selling hot beverages on street corners and waterfronts around the city, creating a unique culture around their kanoons, or coal stoves. People of all ages and genders gather on short stools to meet, wait near hospitals or government offices, pass the time, or simply enjoy the service. With the lack of public space infrastructure and furniture, they fulfill a specific need not met by anyone else, public or private.
The tea ladies' journey was never easy. They had to unionize to fight the continuous injustices they encountered throughout the years, playing significant roles during pivotal moments in the civic struggle in Khartoum.
In film Hyat (Arabic for life) prepares traditional coffee on the street in front of Omdurman's Khalifa Mosque; roasting and grinding the beans before cooking and serving the coffee.
This film is part of a collection of documentary films that has been filmed and produced as part of the Western Sudan Community Museums project WSCM which was originally intended to be showcased in 3 museums around Sudan, Khalifa House Museum in Omdurman, Khartoum, Sheikan Museum in Obaid, North Kordofan, and Darfur Museum in Nyala, South Darfur. These films show various explanations of the history of important historical sites related to the exhibitions of these museums. All films in this collection were produced by Mark Whatmore and Yoho Media.
Cover picture © Mark Whatmore
Tea ladies are a staple feature of urban street life in Sudan. Their occupation arose from the unfortunate economic situation faced by many women who were displaced to Khartoum due to war and famine. As a last resort, many women started selling hot beverages on street corners and waterfronts around the city, creating a unique culture around their kanoons, or coal stoves. People of all ages and genders gather on short stools to meet, wait near hospitals or government offices, pass the time, or simply enjoy the service. With the lack of public space infrastructure and furniture, they fulfill a specific need not met by anyone else, public or private.
The tea ladies' journey was never easy. They had to unionize to fight the continuous injustices they encountered throughout the years, playing significant roles during pivotal moments in the civic struggle in Khartoum.
In film Hyat (Arabic for life) prepares traditional coffee on the street in front of Omdurman's Khalifa Mosque; roasting and grinding the beans before cooking and serving the coffee.
This film is part of a collection of documentary films that has been filmed and produced as part of the Western Sudan Community Museums project WSCM which was originally intended to be showcased in 3 museums around Sudan, Khalifa House Museum in Omdurman, Khartoum, Sheikan Museum in Obaid, North Kordofan, and Darfur Museum in Nyala, South Darfur. These films show various explanations of the history of important historical sites related to the exhibitions of these museums. All films in this collection were produced by Mark Whatmore and Yoho Media.
Cover picture © Mark Whatmore
Suakin
Suakin
Suakin - The Place of all our Beginnings
As a place, Suakin has a special position in Sudanese culture, because of the memory of the beauty of the lost buildings and because it is identified with where Islam entered Sudan. Suakin has been described by the Sudanese as ‘the place of all our beginnings’.
Suakin was formerly Sudan’s chief port, before the construction of Port Sudan. In addition to trade, the town provided the gateway between Islamic culture and Eastern Africa as the major pilgrimage route between Africa and Mecca. During Suakin’s period of prosperous trade, most of its famous 15-20th century coral block buildings were constructed. These buildings are one of the best and now last remaining examples of the Red Sea architectural style.
Suakin Islands and the Historic Town
Suakin’s natural lagoon harbour is backed by the Red Sea Hills. The historic town consists of an island joined to the mainland by a causeway, and a mainland area known as the Geyf. The island where you see the ruins was the main town and has been continuously inhabited for at least 500 years. The island town grew like most old towns, with irregular narrow streets and blocks of houses of different shapes and sizes. The island properties consisted of houses for the wealthy merchants, many named after famous families such as Khorshid Effendi and Shennawi Bey, traders, commercial offices, stores and shops, zawias and mosques, and a number of public buildings. By the early 20th century Suakin Island had approximately two hundred houses.
Two further islands occupy the lagoon, opposite Suakin’s historic town. The first island is known as Condenser Island, occupied by British and Australian troops during the 1885-1896 Mahdist campaigns, and a tall condenser-chimney (now disappeared) that determined the island’s name. The other island is known as Quarantine Island, occupied by previous quarantine installations for pilgrims to Mecca, some early houses and a Christian cemetery.
The adjacent historic mainland town, known as the Geyf and connected to the island by a causeway, was occupied mostly by Hadendowa tribe inhabitants, containing houses, zawias and mosques, a number of public buildings, the Suakin-Berber Railway installations, shops, shanties and drinking houses. The Geyf was encircled by fortifications, while the area surrounding this was scattered with outer defences and a number of shrines and tombs.
Suakin’s Decline and Documentation
Suakin was abandoned for Port Sudan in the early 1900s. The historic town is now mostly uninhabited, much of it in ruins without the constant maintenance required. However, Suakin remains shrouded in legend and myth and contains one of Sudan’s most eventful and significant histories. Furthermore, trade and prosperity has returned to the area, following the opening of Suakin’s new port in 1991 and subsequent growth of a surrounding new town, in addition to the continuing passenger ferry route from Suakin to Jeddah.
Despite Suakin’s regrowth, much of the historic town remained in ruins and has now almost disappeared. However, Suakin’s importance and the need for this to be saved for future generations has been well recognised. This has resulted in extensive research and documentation of the site for many years, including great efforts of the Suakin Project established by Sudan’s National Corporation for Antiquities and Museums in 2000. It is this documentation and research that the following 3D reconstruction hopes to bring to light, in addition to inspiring hope and whatever plans may come for Suakin’s future.
Cover picture: Suakin mainland Al Mirgani buildings 2020 photo by Ibrahim Mohamed Ibrahim Ahmed
Suakin - The Place of all our Beginnings
As a place, Suakin has a special position in Sudanese culture, because of the memory of the beauty of the lost buildings and because it is identified with where Islam entered Sudan. Suakin has been described by the Sudanese as ‘the place of all our beginnings’.
Suakin was formerly Sudan’s chief port, before the construction of Port Sudan. In addition to trade, the town provided the gateway between Islamic culture and Eastern Africa as the major pilgrimage route between Africa and Mecca. During Suakin’s period of prosperous trade, most of its famous 15-20th century coral block buildings were constructed. These buildings are one of the best and now last remaining examples of the Red Sea architectural style.
Suakin Islands and the Historic Town
Suakin’s natural lagoon harbour is backed by the Red Sea Hills. The historic town consists of an island joined to the mainland by a causeway, and a mainland area known as the Geyf. The island where you see the ruins was the main town and has been continuously inhabited for at least 500 years. The island town grew like most old towns, with irregular narrow streets and blocks of houses of different shapes and sizes. The island properties consisted of houses for the wealthy merchants, many named after famous families such as Khorshid Effendi and Shennawi Bey, traders, commercial offices, stores and shops, zawias and mosques, and a number of public buildings. By the early 20th century Suakin Island had approximately two hundred houses.
Two further islands occupy the lagoon, opposite Suakin’s historic town. The first island is known as Condenser Island, occupied by British and Australian troops during the 1885-1896 Mahdist campaigns, and a tall condenser-chimney (now disappeared) that determined the island’s name. The other island is known as Quarantine Island, occupied by previous quarantine installations for pilgrims to Mecca, some early houses and a Christian cemetery.
The adjacent historic mainland town, known as the Geyf and connected to the island by a causeway, was occupied mostly by Hadendowa tribe inhabitants, containing houses, zawias and mosques, a number of public buildings, the Suakin-Berber Railway installations, shops, shanties and drinking houses. The Geyf was encircled by fortifications, while the area surrounding this was scattered with outer defences and a number of shrines and tombs.
Suakin’s Decline and Documentation
Suakin was abandoned for Port Sudan in the early 1900s. The historic town is now mostly uninhabited, much of it in ruins without the constant maintenance required. However, Suakin remains shrouded in legend and myth and contains one of Sudan’s most eventful and significant histories. Furthermore, trade and prosperity has returned to the area, following the opening of Suakin’s new port in 1991 and subsequent growth of a surrounding new town, in addition to the continuing passenger ferry route from Suakin to Jeddah.
Despite Suakin’s regrowth, much of the historic town remained in ruins and has now almost disappeared. However, Suakin’s importance and the need for this to be saved for future generations has been well recognised. This has resulted in extensive research and documentation of the site for many years, including great efforts of the Suakin Project established by Sudan’s National Corporation for Antiquities and Museums in 2000. It is this documentation and research that the following 3D reconstruction hopes to bring to light, in addition to inspiring hope and whatever plans may come for Suakin’s future.
Cover picture: Suakin mainland Al Mirgani buildings 2020 photo by Ibrahim Mohamed Ibrahim Ahmed
Suakin - The Place of all our Beginnings
As a place, Suakin has a special position in Sudanese culture, because of the memory of the beauty of the lost buildings and because it is identified with where Islam entered Sudan. Suakin has been described by the Sudanese as ‘the place of all our beginnings’.
Suakin was formerly Sudan’s chief port, before the construction of Port Sudan. In addition to trade, the town provided the gateway between Islamic culture and Eastern Africa as the major pilgrimage route between Africa and Mecca. During Suakin’s period of prosperous trade, most of its famous 15-20th century coral block buildings were constructed. These buildings are one of the best and now last remaining examples of the Red Sea architectural style.
Suakin Islands and the Historic Town
Suakin’s natural lagoon harbour is backed by the Red Sea Hills. The historic town consists of an island joined to the mainland by a causeway, and a mainland area known as the Geyf. The island where you see the ruins was the main town and has been continuously inhabited for at least 500 years. The island town grew like most old towns, with irregular narrow streets and blocks of houses of different shapes and sizes. The island properties consisted of houses for the wealthy merchants, many named after famous families such as Khorshid Effendi and Shennawi Bey, traders, commercial offices, stores and shops, zawias and mosques, and a number of public buildings. By the early 20th century Suakin Island had approximately two hundred houses.
Two further islands occupy the lagoon, opposite Suakin’s historic town. The first island is known as Condenser Island, occupied by British and Australian troops during the 1885-1896 Mahdist campaigns, and a tall condenser-chimney (now disappeared) that determined the island’s name. The other island is known as Quarantine Island, occupied by previous quarantine installations for pilgrims to Mecca, some early houses and a Christian cemetery.
The adjacent historic mainland town, known as the Geyf and connected to the island by a causeway, was occupied mostly by Hadendowa tribe inhabitants, containing houses, zawias and mosques, a number of public buildings, the Suakin-Berber Railway installations, shops, shanties and drinking houses. The Geyf was encircled by fortifications, while the area surrounding this was scattered with outer defences and a number of shrines and tombs.
Suakin’s Decline and Documentation
Suakin was abandoned for Port Sudan in the early 1900s. The historic town is now mostly uninhabited, much of it in ruins without the constant maintenance required. However, Suakin remains shrouded in legend and myth and contains one of Sudan’s most eventful and significant histories. Furthermore, trade and prosperity has returned to the area, following the opening of Suakin’s new port in 1991 and subsequent growth of a surrounding new town, in addition to the continuing passenger ferry route from Suakin to Jeddah.
Despite Suakin’s regrowth, much of the historic town remained in ruins and has now almost disappeared. However, Suakin’s importance and the need for this to be saved for future generations has been well recognised. This has resulted in extensive research and documentation of the site for many years, including great efforts of the Suakin Project established by Sudan’s National Corporation for Antiquities and Museums in 2000. It is this documentation and research that the following 3D reconstruction hopes to bring to light, in addition to inspiring hope and whatever plans may come for Suakin’s future.
Cover picture: Suakin mainland Al Mirgani buildings 2020 photo by Ibrahim Mohamed Ibrahim Ahmed
Water preservation in Kordofan
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Water preservation in Kordofan
Water is the source of life for everything, including cities. With it, they are born, they die and disappear. In North Kordofan, there are a variety of water bodies, both surface and groundwater, such as permanent and seasonal rivers. With different seasons and ways of living, methods of preserving and obtaining water vary. The pictures in this gallery show water extraction from wells with buckets, hafir “water storage”, and “wabour” water pumps.
The baobab tree is also one of the well-known water stores, as the tree is dug from the inside to resemble a well and is closed from the top with a thick cover such as zinc sheets. The baobab tree purifies water from sediments, and the bucket is used to scoop water during periods of scarce rain and drought.
The emergence of the first capital of North Kordofan Al Obeid was linked to the presence of water, so much so that the name of the city is associated with several stories passed down through generations, shedding a lot of light on this emergence and the influence of the natural environment in choosing the current location. The first story goes that the residents of the neighboring villages used to unleash their livestock and animals in search of the grass that grows in the space extending around these villages and around the swamps and valleys in which water collects after rain. In one of these villages, there was an old woman called (Manfoura) who owned a white donkey that she released in search of food and drink. One time, he was gone for a long time and after his return, the woman noticed that the whites of her donkey were stained with mud mixed with green grass. This matter aroused her curiosity, so the woman followed her donkey the next day to find it grazing in a large depression filled with water and growing on its edges some dense trees and vegetation.
Water is the source of life for everything, including cities. With it, they are born, they die and disappear. In North Kordofan, there are a variety of water bodies, both surface and groundwater, such as permanent and seasonal rivers. With different seasons and ways of living, methods of preserving and obtaining water vary. The pictures in this gallery show water extraction from wells with buckets, hafir “water storage”, and “wabour” water pumps.
The baobab tree is also one of the well-known water stores, as the tree is dug from the inside to resemble a well and is closed from the top with a thick cover such as zinc sheets. The baobab tree purifies water from sediments, and the bucket is used to scoop water during periods of scarce rain and drought.
The emergence of the first capital of North Kordofan Al Obeid was linked to the presence of water, so much so that the name of the city is associated with several stories passed down through generations, shedding a lot of light on this emergence and the influence of the natural environment in choosing the current location. The first story goes that the residents of the neighboring villages used to unleash their livestock and animals in search of the grass that grows in the space extending around these villages and around the swamps and valleys in which water collects after rain. In one of these villages, there was an old woman called (Manfoura) who owned a white donkey that she released in search of food and drink. One time, he was gone for a long time and after his return, the woman noticed that the whites of her donkey were stained with mud mixed with green grass. This matter aroused her curiosity, so the woman followed her donkey the next day to find it grazing in a large depression filled with water and growing on its edges some dense trees and vegetation.
Water is the source of life for everything, including cities. With it, they are born, they die and disappear. In North Kordofan, there are a variety of water bodies, both surface and groundwater, such as permanent and seasonal rivers. With different seasons and ways of living, methods of preserving and obtaining water vary. The pictures in this gallery show water extraction from wells with buckets, hafir “water storage”, and “wabour” water pumps.
The baobab tree is also one of the well-known water stores, as the tree is dug from the inside to resemble a well and is closed from the top with a thick cover such as zinc sheets. The baobab tree purifies water from sediments, and the bucket is used to scoop water during periods of scarce rain and drought.
The emergence of the first capital of North Kordofan Al Obeid was linked to the presence of water, so much so that the name of the city is associated with several stories passed down through generations, shedding a lot of light on this emergence and the influence of the natural environment in choosing the current location. The first story goes that the residents of the neighboring villages used to unleash their livestock and animals in search of the grass that grows in the space extending around these villages and around the swamps and valleys in which water collects after rain. In one of these villages, there was an old woman called (Manfoura) who owned a white donkey that she released in search of food and drink. One time, he was gone for a long time and after his return, the woman noticed that the whites of her donkey were stained with mud mixed with green grass. This matter aroused her curiosity, so the woman followed her donkey the next day to find it grazing in a large depression filled with water and growing on its edges some dense trees and vegetation.
Maps as an archive
Maps as an archive
Maps are powerful tools that are influenced by political considerations and document specific moments in time and space. They selectively include information to serve particular purposes, reflecting the mapmaker's objectives and biases. This selectivity means that some human settlements may be omitted due to their political importance or insignificance.
Despite their limitations, maps capture historical contexts and can retell the story of the places they depict, revealing insights into the era's geography, politics, and culture. They also serve as storytelling tools, highlighting certain aspects while omitting others, which can shape perceptions and influence narratives.
Understanding the curated nature of maps helps us critically engage with how the world is represented and the underlying power dynamics involved in map-making.
The maps in this gallery show the changes in Khartoum under the different governments and in different periods of time, not just showing the events but also the viewpoints and interests of these governments. Take note of the fortifications in these maps, the fort on the western side of the river is the only structure that is recorded in maps dated back to the 19th century even though there were several human settlements at the time, same with the Khartoum wall that since its construction was a key feature even after it was destroyed as you can see in current planning of the city.
Image credits:
Khartum in 1840 showing the trading route from Omdurman, Published in Henri Dehérain: Le Soudan égyptien sous Mehemet Ali, Paris, Georges Carré et C. Naud, Éditeurs, 1898.
Khartoum in 1876 Plan von Chartum und Umgebung. Published in Dr. Wilh. Junkers Reisen in Afrika, 1875-1886 ... nach seinen tagebüchern unter der mitwirkung / von Wilhelm Junker, unter der Mitwirkung von Richard Buchta, Wien: Ed. Hölzel, 1889-1891. Band I, Tafel 4. Gallica.
Khartoum in 1884 drawn from rough sketches made by General Gordon, Published in The journals of Major-Gen. C. G. Gordon, C. B., at Khartoum. Printed from the original mss. Introduction and Notes by A. Egmont Hake. Boston, New York: Houghton, Mifflin and Company, 1885.
Khartoum in 1890, Confluence of the two Niles showing old Omdurman town and key geographic monuments, 1890, published in the book Africa by Reclus, Elisée, 1830-1905.
The siege of Khartoum, “La chute de Khartoum”. Plan compiled by the "defense" in the court-martial held in June 1887 from the statements of witnesses of the siege in 1884-1885. Published in Mahdiism and the Egyptian Sudan, by F. R. Wingate. London, MacMillian and Co., 1891.
Khartoum 1896 Image extracted from page 701 of Fire and Sword in the Sudan. A personal narrative of life during Mahdiya. 1879-1895, by SLATIN, Rudolf Carl - Sir, K.C.M.G. Originally held and digitised by the British Library.
Khartoum 1906 (post-conquest) Provisional map of Khartoum city compiled for use of the Khartoum Mudiria by Lieut. Colonel E.A. Stanton, Governor Khartoum Province. Via: American Geographical Society Library.
Khartoum 1952 published by the Sudan Survey Department. Via: David Rumsey Historical Map Collection, Stanford Libraries - Stanford, California, USA.
Khartoum 1970s, 1:5000 published by the Sudan Survey Department.
Khartum 1974, Sudan, provint︠s︡ii︠a︡ Khartum / Generalʹnyĭ shtab, published by the Soviet Union. Sovetskai︠a︡ Armii︠a︡. Generalʹnyĭ shtab, Moscow. Via: National Library of Australia - Canberra, Australia.
Cover picture © Zainab Gaafar
Maps are powerful tools that are influenced by political considerations and document specific moments in time and space. They selectively include information to serve particular purposes, reflecting the mapmaker's objectives and biases. This selectivity means that some human settlements may be omitted due to their political importance or insignificance.
Despite their limitations, maps capture historical contexts and can retell the story of the places they depict, revealing insights into the era's geography, politics, and culture. They also serve as storytelling tools, highlighting certain aspects while omitting others, which can shape perceptions and influence narratives.
Understanding the curated nature of maps helps us critically engage with how the world is represented and the underlying power dynamics involved in map-making.
The maps in this gallery show the changes in Khartoum under the different governments and in different periods of time, not just showing the events but also the viewpoints and interests of these governments. Take note of the fortifications in these maps, the fort on the western side of the river is the only structure that is recorded in maps dated back to the 19th century even though there were several human settlements at the time, same with the Khartoum wall that since its construction was a key feature even after it was destroyed as you can see in current planning of the city.
Image credits:
Khartum in 1840 showing the trading route from Omdurman, Published in Henri Dehérain: Le Soudan égyptien sous Mehemet Ali, Paris, Georges Carré et C. Naud, Éditeurs, 1898.
Khartoum in 1876 Plan von Chartum und Umgebung. Published in Dr. Wilh. Junkers Reisen in Afrika, 1875-1886 ... nach seinen tagebüchern unter der mitwirkung / von Wilhelm Junker, unter der Mitwirkung von Richard Buchta, Wien: Ed. Hölzel, 1889-1891. Band I, Tafel 4. Gallica.
Khartoum in 1884 drawn from rough sketches made by General Gordon, Published in The journals of Major-Gen. C. G. Gordon, C. B., at Khartoum. Printed from the original mss. Introduction and Notes by A. Egmont Hake. Boston, New York: Houghton, Mifflin and Company, 1885.
Khartoum in 1890, Confluence of the two Niles showing old Omdurman town and key geographic monuments, 1890, published in the book Africa by Reclus, Elisée, 1830-1905.
The siege of Khartoum, “La chute de Khartoum”. Plan compiled by the "defense" in the court-martial held in June 1887 from the statements of witnesses of the siege in 1884-1885. Published in Mahdiism and the Egyptian Sudan, by F. R. Wingate. London, MacMillian and Co., 1891.
Khartoum 1896 Image extracted from page 701 of Fire and Sword in the Sudan. A personal narrative of life during Mahdiya. 1879-1895, by SLATIN, Rudolf Carl - Sir, K.C.M.G. Originally held and digitised by the British Library.
Khartoum 1906 (post-conquest) Provisional map of Khartoum city compiled for use of the Khartoum Mudiria by Lieut. Colonel E.A. Stanton, Governor Khartoum Province. Via: American Geographical Society Library.
Khartoum 1952 published by the Sudan Survey Department. Via: David Rumsey Historical Map Collection, Stanford Libraries - Stanford, California, USA.
Khartoum 1970s, 1:5000 published by the Sudan Survey Department.
Khartum 1974, Sudan, provint︠s︡ii︠a︡ Khartum / Generalʹnyĭ shtab, published by the Soviet Union. Sovetskai︠a︡ Armii︠a︡. Generalʹnyĭ shtab, Moscow. Via: National Library of Australia - Canberra, Australia.
Cover picture © Zainab Gaafar
Maps are powerful tools that are influenced by political considerations and document specific moments in time and space. They selectively include information to serve particular purposes, reflecting the mapmaker's objectives and biases. This selectivity means that some human settlements may be omitted due to their political importance or insignificance.
Despite their limitations, maps capture historical contexts and can retell the story of the places they depict, revealing insights into the era's geography, politics, and culture. They also serve as storytelling tools, highlighting certain aspects while omitting others, which can shape perceptions and influence narratives.
Understanding the curated nature of maps helps us critically engage with how the world is represented and the underlying power dynamics involved in map-making.
The maps in this gallery show the changes in Khartoum under the different governments and in different periods of time, not just showing the events but also the viewpoints and interests of these governments. Take note of the fortifications in these maps, the fort on the western side of the river is the only structure that is recorded in maps dated back to the 19th century even though there were several human settlements at the time, same with the Khartoum wall that since its construction was a key feature even after it was destroyed as you can see in current planning of the city.
Image credits:
Khartum in 1840 showing the trading route from Omdurman, Published in Henri Dehérain: Le Soudan égyptien sous Mehemet Ali, Paris, Georges Carré et C. Naud, Éditeurs, 1898.
Khartoum in 1876 Plan von Chartum und Umgebung. Published in Dr. Wilh. Junkers Reisen in Afrika, 1875-1886 ... nach seinen tagebüchern unter der mitwirkung / von Wilhelm Junker, unter der Mitwirkung von Richard Buchta, Wien: Ed. Hölzel, 1889-1891. Band I, Tafel 4. Gallica.
Khartoum in 1884 drawn from rough sketches made by General Gordon, Published in The journals of Major-Gen. C. G. Gordon, C. B., at Khartoum. Printed from the original mss. Introduction and Notes by A. Egmont Hake. Boston, New York: Houghton, Mifflin and Company, 1885.
Khartoum in 1890, Confluence of the two Niles showing old Omdurman town and key geographic monuments, 1890, published in the book Africa by Reclus, Elisée, 1830-1905.
The siege of Khartoum, “La chute de Khartoum”. Plan compiled by the "defense" in the court-martial held in June 1887 from the statements of witnesses of the siege in 1884-1885. Published in Mahdiism and the Egyptian Sudan, by F. R. Wingate. London, MacMillian and Co., 1891.
Khartoum 1896 Image extracted from page 701 of Fire and Sword in the Sudan. A personal narrative of life during Mahdiya. 1879-1895, by SLATIN, Rudolf Carl - Sir, K.C.M.G. Originally held and digitised by the British Library.
Khartoum 1906 (post-conquest) Provisional map of Khartoum city compiled for use of the Khartoum Mudiria by Lieut. Colonel E.A. Stanton, Governor Khartoum Province. Via: American Geographical Society Library.
Khartoum 1952 published by the Sudan Survey Department. Via: David Rumsey Historical Map Collection, Stanford Libraries - Stanford, California, USA.
Khartoum 1970s, 1:5000 published by the Sudan Survey Department.
Khartum 1974, Sudan, provint︠s︡ii︠a︡ Khartum / Generalʹnyĭ shtab, published by the Soviet Union. Sovetskai︠a︡ Armii︠a︡. Generalʹnyĭ shtab, Moscow. Via: National Library of Australia - Canberra, Australia.
Cover picture © Zainab Gaafar
Archival films
Archival films
Old Omdurman
Colour and black and white archive film from the Durham University Archive showing footage of Omdurman Market between 1954 and 1955 as well as boat making next to the river Nile and life on the Nile. Omdurman bridge built in 1926 can also be seen. Filmed by. J. Carmichael. A director at Al Jazeera scheme at that time.
Old Khartoum
Archive film from the Durham University Archive showing footage from Khartoum in 1941, featuring many city structures that were removed after independence such as statues and the cathedral bell tower as well as the old market. The film gives a glimpse into city life at the time.
Old Kordofan
Archive film from the Durham University Archive showing films from El Obeid city in 1932 - 1935, showing the market, train stations, and the city water reserve as well as the Mudiriyah building, the oldest lasting governmental building in Sudan, built during the Turkish rule over Sudan. Filmed by Edward Francis
Cover image: Maulid al-Nabi celebrations, Omdurman, 1920/30, picture taken by Wolff, M. E. and G. L. © Durham university Sudan archive
Old Omdurman
Colour and black and white archive film from the Durham University Archive showing footage of Omdurman Market between 1954 and 1955 as well as boat making next to the river Nile and life on the Nile. Omdurman bridge built in 1926 can also be seen. Filmed by. J. Carmichael. A director at Al Jazeera scheme at that time.
Old Khartoum
Archive film from the Durham University Archive showing footage from Khartoum in 1941, featuring many city structures that were removed after independence such as statues and the cathedral bell tower as well as the old market. The film gives a glimpse into city life at the time.
Old Kordofan
Archive film from the Durham University Archive showing films from El Obeid city in 1932 - 1935, showing the market, train stations, and the city water reserve as well as the Mudiriyah building, the oldest lasting governmental building in Sudan, built during the Turkish rule over Sudan. Filmed by Edward Francis
Cover image: Maulid al-Nabi celebrations, Omdurman, 1920/30, picture taken by Wolff, M. E. and G. L. © Durham university Sudan archive
Old Omdurman
Colour and black and white archive film from the Durham University Archive showing footage of Omdurman Market between 1954 and 1955 as well as boat making next to the river Nile and life on the Nile. Omdurman bridge built in 1926 can also be seen. Filmed by. J. Carmichael. A director at Al Jazeera scheme at that time.
Old Khartoum
Archive film from the Durham University Archive showing footage from Khartoum in 1941, featuring many city structures that were removed after independence such as statues and the cathedral bell tower as well as the old market. The film gives a glimpse into city life at the time.
Old Kordofan
Archive film from the Durham University Archive showing films from El Obeid city in 1932 - 1935, showing the market, train stations, and the city water reserve as well as the Mudiriyah building, the oldest lasting governmental building in Sudan, built during the Turkish rule over Sudan. Filmed by Edward Francis
Cover image: Maulid al-Nabi celebrations, Omdurman, 1920/30, picture taken by Wolff, M. E. and G. L. © Durham university Sudan archive
Gordon’s Khartoum
Gordon’s Khartoum
A collection of photographs of the city of Khartoum were part of the first display in the Khalifa House Museum in 1928. They were taken by the Austrian photographer Richard Buchta. He is considered the author of the first documentary trip to the Central African region between 1878 and 1880. Buchta visited Sudan in 1878, accompanied by the Italian traveller and explorer Romolo Jesse. The latter was the ruler of Bahr el-Ghazal and a friend of the General-Governor of Sudan, Gordon Pasha. Buchta's photographs were published in 1881.
The outbreak of the Mahdist revolution in Sudan coincided with Buchta's visit. His pictures represented the only visual reference for Sudan and appeared in many influential publications as news of the revolution spread across the world.
A collection of photographs of the city of Khartoum were part of the first display in the Khalifa House Museum in 1928. They were taken by the Austrian photographer Richard Buchta. He is considered the author of the first documentary trip to the Central African region between 1878 and 1880. Buchta visited Sudan in 1878, accompanied by the Italian traveller and explorer Romolo Jesse. The latter was the ruler of Bahr el-Ghazal and a friend of the General-Governor of Sudan, Gordon Pasha. Buchta's photographs were published in 1881.
The outbreak of the Mahdist revolution in Sudan coincided with Buchta's visit. His pictures represented the only visual reference for Sudan and appeared in many influential publications as news of the revolution spread across the world.
A collection of photographs of the city of Khartoum were part of the first display in the Khalifa House Museum in 1928. They were taken by the Austrian photographer Richard Buchta. He is considered the author of the first documentary trip to the Central African region between 1878 and 1880. Buchta visited Sudan in 1878, accompanied by the Italian traveller and explorer Romolo Jesse. The latter was the ruler of Bahr el-Ghazal and a friend of the General-Governor of Sudan, Gordon Pasha. Buchta's photographs were published in 1881.
The outbreak of the Mahdist revolution in Sudan coincided with Buchta's visit. His pictures represented the only visual reference for Sudan and appeared in many influential publications as news of the revolution spread across the world.
Forces of power
Forces of power
Omdurman pre-Mahdiya
There is archaeological evidence of Omdurman’s existence dating back to the Stone Age. In the 17th century it was mentioned in the writings of travellers and the manuscripts of Tabaqat Wad Dayf-Allah (1646-1730), who recorded Omdurman as a village of the mystic Hamad Wad Um Maryum. The Jamoiyyah and other tribes lived in Omdurman as merchants as it was on one of the most important trade routes in Africa (note the arrow’s direction). The route connected West Africa and Western and Eastern Sudan, and from there, to the rest of the world. Following Mohamed Ali Pasha’s invasion in 1821, Omdurman became a small military base and river crossing to Khartoum.
Siege and liberation of Khartoum
The Imam Al Mahdi wanted to expel the colonisers and announce a new era for the Islamic Umma, so he planned to liberate Khartoum in two stages. The first stage was to isolate it from the rest of Sudan and the outside world. He appointed Amir Osman Digna to barricade the Barbar-Suakin road and ordered Amir Mohamad Al Khair Abdullah to cut the telegraph lines between Barbar and Khartoum as well as between Egypt and Barbar. The second stage was to besiege Khartoum. The siege lasted an entire year. Shiekh Al Obeid Wad Badr besieged the eastern side and Abdulrahman Al Nujumi fortified the siege after the defeat of the Ansar in Burri and western Jirayf. Amir Hamdan Abu Anja besieged the Omdurman garrison until its surrender, and Al Mahdi liberated Khartoum on the 26th of January 1885.
Omdurman during Al Khalifa Abdullah’s rule
After the Imam Al Mahdi's death in 1885, his successor, Al Khalifa Abdullah, ordered the citizens of Khartoum to evacuate the city and move to Omdurman. This move followed Al Mahdi's wish to move away from the enemy’s capital, Khartoum, and turn Omdurman into a national capital. Al Khalifa also ordered his fellow tribesmen and other tribes to migrate to Omdurman to help him manage the new state.
End of Mahdiya State (Battle of Karari) 1898
The British conquered Sudan as part of Europe’s Scramble for Africa and because Britain had interest in ending the Mahdiya state and avenging the killing of Gordon Pasha. The capture of Omdurman, achieved through victory at the Battle of Karari, was crucial as it would secure Anglo-Egyptian colonisers as the undisputed rulers of Sudan.
The Ansar stood their ground and fought well at Karari, showing a great deal of valour and courage, but they were no match for the barrage of modern firearms they were up against. After their triumph at Karari, the British continued southward to follow Al Khalifa Abdullah’s retreating forces, until his martyrdom at the Battle of Um Dibaykrat.
Omdurman during the Condominium
At the beginning of the Condominium, the Anglo-Egyptian government managed the country from Omdurman, before later moving to Khartoum. Khartoum became the new capital and focus of the ruling forces and allies. Omdurman became a national city and shipping port.
Omdurman pre-Mahdiya
There is archaeological evidence of Omdurman’s existence dating back to the Stone Age. In the 17th century it was mentioned in the writings of travellers and the manuscripts of Tabaqat Wad Dayf-Allah (1646-1730), who recorded Omdurman as a village of the mystic Hamad Wad Um Maryum. The Jamoiyyah and other tribes lived in Omdurman as merchants as it was on one of the most important trade routes in Africa (note the arrow’s direction). The route connected West Africa and Western and Eastern Sudan, and from there, to the rest of the world. Following Mohamed Ali Pasha’s invasion in 1821, Omdurman became a small military base and river crossing to Khartoum.
Siege and liberation of Khartoum
The Imam Al Mahdi wanted to expel the colonisers and announce a new era for the Islamic Umma, so he planned to liberate Khartoum in two stages. The first stage was to isolate it from the rest of Sudan and the outside world. He appointed Amir Osman Digna to barricade the Barbar-Suakin road and ordered Amir Mohamad Al Khair Abdullah to cut the telegraph lines between Barbar and Khartoum as well as between Egypt and Barbar. The second stage was to besiege Khartoum. The siege lasted an entire year. Shiekh Al Obeid Wad Badr besieged the eastern side and Abdulrahman Al Nujumi fortified the siege after the defeat of the Ansar in Burri and western Jirayf. Amir Hamdan Abu Anja besieged the Omdurman garrison until its surrender, and Al Mahdi liberated Khartoum on the 26th of January 1885.
Omdurman during Al Khalifa Abdullah’s rule
After the Imam Al Mahdi's death in 1885, his successor, Al Khalifa Abdullah, ordered the citizens of Khartoum to evacuate the city and move to Omdurman. This move followed Al Mahdi's wish to move away from the enemy’s capital, Khartoum, and turn Omdurman into a national capital. Al Khalifa also ordered his fellow tribesmen and other tribes to migrate to Omdurman to help him manage the new state.
End of Mahdiya State (Battle of Karari) 1898
The British conquered Sudan as part of Europe’s Scramble for Africa and because Britain had interest in ending the Mahdiya state and avenging the killing of Gordon Pasha. The capture of Omdurman, achieved through victory at the Battle of Karari, was crucial as it would secure Anglo-Egyptian colonisers as the undisputed rulers of Sudan.
The Ansar stood their ground and fought well at Karari, showing a great deal of valour and courage, but they were no match for the barrage of modern firearms they were up against. After their triumph at Karari, the British continued southward to follow Al Khalifa Abdullah’s retreating forces, until his martyrdom at the Battle of Um Dibaykrat.
Omdurman during the Condominium
At the beginning of the Condominium, the Anglo-Egyptian government managed the country from Omdurman, before later moving to Khartoum. Khartoum became the new capital and focus of the ruling forces and allies. Omdurman became a national city and shipping port.
Omdurman pre-Mahdiya
There is archaeological evidence of Omdurman’s existence dating back to the Stone Age. In the 17th century it was mentioned in the writings of travellers and the manuscripts of Tabaqat Wad Dayf-Allah (1646-1730), who recorded Omdurman as a village of the mystic Hamad Wad Um Maryum. The Jamoiyyah and other tribes lived in Omdurman as merchants as it was on one of the most important trade routes in Africa (note the arrow’s direction). The route connected West Africa and Western and Eastern Sudan, and from there, to the rest of the world. Following Mohamed Ali Pasha’s invasion in 1821, Omdurman became a small military base and river crossing to Khartoum.
Siege and liberation of Khartoum
The Imam Al Mahdi wanted to expel the colonisers and announce a new era for the Islamic Umma, so he planned to liberate Khartoum in two stages. The first stage was to isolate it from the rest of Sudan and the outside world. He appointed Amir Osman Digna to barricade the Barbar-Suakin road and ordered Amir Mohamad Al Khair Abdullah to cut the telegraph lines between Barbar and Khartoum as well as between Egypt and Barbar. The second stage was to besiege Khartoum. The siege lasted an entire year. Shiekh Al Obeid Wad Badr besieged the eastern side and Abdulrahman Al Nujumi fortified the siege after the defeat of the Ansar in Burri and western Jirayf. Amir Hamdan Abu Anja besieged the Omdurman garrison until its surrender, and Al Mahdi liberated Khartoum on the 26th of January 1885.
Omdurman during Al Khalifa Abdullah’s rule
After the Imam Al Mahdi's death in 1885, his successor, Al Khalifa Abdullah, ordered the citizens of Khartoum to evacuate the city and move to Omdurman. This move followed Al Mahdi's wish to move away from the enemy’s capital, Khartoum, and turn Omdurman into a national capital. Al Khalifa also ordered his fellow tribesmen and other tribes to migrate to Omdurman to help him manage the new state.
End of Mahdiya State (Battle of Karari) 1898
The British conquered Sudan as part of Europe’s Scramble for Africa and because Britain had interest in ending the Mahdiya state and avenging the killing of Gordon Pasha. The capture of Omdurman, achieved through victory at the Battle of Karari, was crucial as it would secure Anglo-Egyptian colonisers as the undisputed rulers of Sudan.
The Ansar stood their ground and fought well at Karari, showing a great deal of valour and courage, but they were no match for the barrage of modern firearms they were up against. After their triumph at Karari, the British continued southward to follow Al Khalifa Abdullah’s retreating forces, until his martyrdom at the Battle of Um Dibaykrat.
Omdurman during the Condominium
At the beginning of the Condominium, the Anglo-Egyptian government managed the country from Omdurman, before later moving to Khartoum. Khartoum became the new capital and focus of the ruling forces and allies. Omdurman became a national city and shipping port.
Neighbourhoods of Omdurman
Neighbourhoods of Omdurman
Omdurman was the place the Imam Al Mahdi chose as a camp before the siege of Khartoum on 26th of January 1885, while his followers moved there after the liberation of Khartoum. Al Mahdi lived in a small room next to the Grand Mosque in Omdurman which later became the site of his burial tomb.
During Al Khalifa Abdullah’s rule, the mosque where Al Mahdi was buried became the nucleus around which the city of Omdurman formed. Al Khalifa built a domed shrine for Al Mahdi and built his own house next to it. Others followed suit, building their homes out of mud and bricks around the tomb hoping that proximity would bestow blessings upon them.
Members of the same tribe preferred to live in adjacent houses which led to the creation of various neighbourhoods in four directions. Each neighbourhood developed around a particular tribe, and related tribes settled in specific areas of the city. The city then expanded north and south along the length of the Nile with daily life and activities revolving around the ports.
Omdurman was the place the Imam Al Mahdi chose as a camp before the siege of Khartoum on 26th of January 1885, while his followers moved there after the liberation of Khartoum. Al Mahdi lived in a small room next to the Grand Mosque in Omdurman which later became the site of his burial tomb.
During Al Khalifa Abdullah’s rule, the mosque where Al Mahdi was buried became the nucleus around which the city of Omdurman formed. Al Khalifa built a domed shrine for Al Mahdi and built his own house next to it. Others followed suit, building their homes out of mud and bricks around the tomb hoping that proximity would bestow blessings upon them.
Members of the same tribe preferred to live in adjacent houses which led to the creation of various neighbourhoods in four directions. Each neighbourhood developed around a particular tribe, and related tribes settled in specific areas of the city. The city then expanded north and south along the length of the Nile with daily life and activities revolving around the ports.
Omdurman was the place the Imam Al Mahdi chose as a camp before the siege of Khartoum on 26th of January 1885, while his followers moved there after the liberation of Khartoum. Al Mahdi lived in a small room next to the Grand Mosque in Omdurman which later became the site of his burial tomb.
During Al Khalifa Abdullah’s rule, the mosque where Al Mahdi was buried became the nucleus around which the city of Omdurman formed. Al Khalifa built a domed shrine for Al Mahdi and built his own house next to it. Others followed suit, building their homes out of mud and bricks around the tomb hoping that proximity would bestow blessings upon them.
Members of the same tribe preferred to live in adjacent houses which led to the creation of various neighbourhoods in four directions. Each neighbourhood developed around a particular tribe, and related tribes settled in specific areas of the city. The city then expanded north and south along the length of the Nile with daily life and activities revolving around the ports.
Omdurman Through the Times
Omdurman Through the Times
“I am Omdurman, I Am the Nation
Its voice, and its feelings
I am the foundation
I… the one who brought together the dispersed
Melded north with south
Poured east into west
And planted kindness on the roads
May I remain the pride of our homelands”
- Abdullah Mohammed Zain
“From Futaih, through the creek to Al Maghalig
From the highlands of Aburof to the lowlands
A stride, my lord, barefoot and clean-shaven
Following the route of the Tram”
- Khalil Farah
Omdurman has always been known as the national city, the melting pot that comprises all ethnicities, tribes, geographies and cultures, despite the internal political and economic differences. The opinions seem to vary between supporters and critics of this national identity it represents, or maybe was intended to. In our exploration of the urban history of the city, we will discuss the settings and circumstances that have contributed to the foundation of the city, taking in consideration the issue of migration and its impact on the urban fabric, as one of the most important factors, if not the most important at all, that contributed to the making of today’s Omdurman. The issue of migration will not be discussed in isolation from all the political, economic, and social factors that influenced or was influenced by the city throughout the different time periods.
***
A first time visitor of Omdurman will unmistakable take notice of the particularity of the site, as it lays between the arid western desert that extends as far as the eye can see, and the Nile, the source of life, as it slowly flows northwards toward the Mediterranean, and with its vast skies and rock-strewn ground. All these factors have shaped it into an excellent location, chosen carefully for erecting the camp of Al-Mahdi in his war against the Turco-Egyptian colonization. Nevertheless, these characteristics became ideal for the creation of a city distinguished with its unique history and culture.
The history of settlement in Omdurman highlights the importance of the location, as the excavations around Abu Anja Creek revealed remains that date back to the Lower Paleolithic era,1 and ever since, the area has remained inhabited by different groups of peoples throughout time. However, Omdurman as we know it today might have been founded by mere chance, as it was originally established as a camp for the armies of Al-Mahdi. Following that, we cannot say that the development of the city that happened afterwards was by mere chance as well, as the planning processes of the city were intentional, including the natural and spontaneous nature of the city’s architecture.
Muhammad Ahmad Al-Mahdi is a very intruiging and controversial character. He had a deep faith that he was “the Mahdi” (the rightly guided one), which greatly motivated him to launch his revolutionary movement. He set Prophet Muhammad (PBUH) as his role model which can be observed in the various similarities that exist between the characters of Al-Mahdi and Prophet Muhammad. Understanding the relation between these two figures will aid in comprehending the objectives of Al-Mahdi’s message and the establishment of the Mahdist State later. Al-Mahdi’s objective was to free the lands of the Muslims and the Sudanese, and to continue to “liberating” other states –such as Egypt- similar to the first message of Islam. One of the most important stories in the history of Omdurman that displays the mirroring between Al-Mahdi and Prophet Muhammad is how he chose the location of his house, as he left the matter to his horse until it stood, and that is how the location was decided. His house was made of mud, and following his death, he was buried there and a domed shrine was built above it in that same location where it remains to this day.2
Al-Mahdi left Ar-Rahad and headed towards Khartoum in August 1884, after ordering his followers to march to the east to free the capital city –Khartoum– from the colonizers.3 A great number of people responded to his call and a mass migration began that marked the beginning of the migration towards Omdurman. Omdurman’s sanctity for the Mahdi and his supporters could be recognized in the numerous names that were given to the city, such as Al-Buq’ah, Al-Buq’ah Al-Tahira (the Immaculate Spot) and Dar Al-Hijrah (the Land of Migration), the latter was engraved on the coins made during his reign. In addition to that existed the military advantages, as this spontaneous area had turned into a huge camp as Al-Mahdi’s supporters flocked towards that area and built houses with straw, leather and logs,4 then the city came to life.
Al-Mahdi’s wars against the Turco-Egyptian colonial rule in Sudan was crowned by liberating Khartoum in January 1885.5 However, Al-Mahdi died shortly after moving to Omdurman, and Al-Khalifa Abdullahi –his successor– ruled after him. Al-Khalifa’s reign witnessed the writing of a new history for Omdurman, starting from the moment Al-Khalifa announced Omdurman as the capital city for the Mahdist state. So how did the city grow over such a short period of time to spread over an area of more than 20 square miles?
In May 1885, Al-Khalifa ordered the evacuation of Khartoum and all its residents were to relocate to Omdurman.7 His aim was to eradicate any competition to his new capital city, thus began the destruction of the buildings of Khartoum, as their building materials were dismantled and moved to Omdurman to build new houses there.8 The fusion of different ethnic groups and cultures became a signature of Mahdist Omdurman as the city contained representatives of all Sudanese tribes that coexisted with Egyptians, Indians, Mecca Arabs, Syrians, Greeks, Italians, Turks, Ethiopians, Jews, in addition to groups of West African origins, such as Fulani, Borno, and Borgu peoples. The population of Mahdist Omdurman was estimated to be over 150,000,9 and some speculate that it even reached 400,000.10
The policies of Al-Khalifa required the settlement of as many tribal groups near him as possible, as he needed a huge military force at hand, not only to conquer other states, but also to protect the borders of his city that was surrounded with dangers from all directions. Al-Khalifa turned Omdurman to a city that adopted Khartoum’s former functions as the administrative and bureaucratic center, carrying out the various administrative and military functions of the state.11
Omdurman began to slowly form according to the strategies of Al-Khalifa, as he was the mastermind behind the city’s planning decisions that turned the scattered villages –which previously comprised Omdurman– into the capital city of his state. This planning process resulted in the creation of the main roads and yards, the market, the mosque, the barracks and other facilities in the city.12 The construction materials utilized were chosen to emphasized the power of Al-Khalifa, as the red bricks seized from the houses of the Turks in Khartoum were used, with the help of skilled engineers and technicians, to build the domed shrine of Al-Mahdi and the quarters of Al-Khalifa.13 Also, the center of the city, which consisted of the official facilities –beside the house of Al-Khalifa and the houses of his guards and family– was surrounded by a great stone wall. Some parts of this wall remain till this day, as it’s construction took almost as many years as the Mahdist state remained in power.14
Between the years 1885 and 1898, the residential areas around Omdurman began to form in an Arab-Islamic style, with vast interior yards (hosh) as a distinctive characteristic. The city followed an organic traditional style that is labyrinth-like and quite difficult to understand, as Al-Khalifa built Omdurman in a network-like style that resembles the religious voids in classical Islamic cities. This spontaneous nature to the city can be noticed in the seemingly disorganized growth of the social fabric of its population, which follows social norms and traditions that follow the principles of vernacular architecture.16
The Salafist method of Al-Khalifa and his animosity towards Sufi sects was reflected on architecture, as he prohibited any form of ornaments, except for Quranic verses. The Nubian style of house with its ornamented facades, for example, didn’t find a place in the mono-cultural Mahdist Omdurman, despite the settlement of Nubians in the city.17 In contrast to the houses of Al-Khalifa with their fortified materials, the houses of Mahdist Omdurman were mostly simple, as the houses of Nilotic peoples were built of fragile materials, such as straw and mud, that being the reason why not much of them remained. Also, the people of nomadic tribes from the west, due to their lifestyle, built semi-permanent houses that also got destroyed with time.18
Omdurman had very narrow streets and closed alleys with a distinctive characteristic of being intimate and private. People got around the city walking and rode donkeys, horses, or carts as means of transportation between houses and neighborhoods, which impacted the planning and organic design of the road network.20
The main urban element of Omdurman was the market; in fact, the establishment of Omdurman Market boosted trade movement in the city, as the small seasonal markets that mainly depended on agricultural products turned into a permanent market in the era of Al-Khalifa. It also became a destination for the different Sudanese groups and tribes, so it attracted more people from the north, south, west and east. It also attracted merchants and skilled craftsmen from neighboring countries.21
Hajj caravans, traveling all the way from West Africa, had to stop at Omdurman Market, and it became their regular route. Also merchants arrived from Egypt and India and settled in Omdurman so they can work in its market.22 The river traffic was also very active because of the boat manufacturing industry that was popular at the time, so Omdurman became the destination of many tribes that lived on the banks of Blue Nile, White Nile, and River Nile. Most of the roads in old Omdurman, and especially in the northwestern side, led to the Market. Because of these factors, Omdurman Market became a key pillar for the city, and the focal point of intersection that drew people from all directions.23
Travelers from West Africa used to depart heading eastwards to Mecca. They embarked on their journey usually without enough funds to sustain their travel expenses, therefore they stayed and worked in places along their route in order to afford their journey. Omdurman, which was already on their pilgrimage route to Mecca,25 welcomed and sheltered them, although the Mahdist state and Al-Khalifa regularly recruited them in his army.26
***
The newly formed Mahdist state faced many battles against different states, as it was threatened on its borders with both Egypt and Ethiopia, in addition to having internal conflicts. In order to strengthen and increase his armies, and because of his distrust towards the other tribes that were against his succession and sovereignty, Al-Khalifa ordered the tribes of Ta’aisha and Baggara to forcefully migrate from Darfur to Omdurman. This decision had a huge impact on the economic and political state of Omdurman, and perhaps the country in its entirety.
It is important to note that the Ta’aisha and Baggara are nomads who worked in agriculture or cattle grazing, but by forcibly displacing them to Omdurman, Al-Khalifa turned them from a productive group for the state to soldiers in his army. On their way through Kordofan, they consumed their sorghum stock, and when they reached Omdurman became a privileged elite. Their status and kinship to Al-Khalifa saw that they were provided with all types of supplies and foods, which impacted the state’s reserve. Their migration coincided with a year of very low harvest, due to the droughts in the past season. Because of these conditions, the country underwent one of its worst famines, the famine of “the year 6” (1306/1890).27
The failure of the Mahdist state to relieve the famine that hit its citizens due to the militarization and the calls for Jihad, put the state in a dilemma. The state was completely unable to meet the needs of its population as well as maintain it’s war economy which was imposed on it since its inception.28 The economic policy of the state, the boycott of Egypt, and the decrease of trade movement were all factors that worsened the situation. Al-Khalifa did not foresee the impact of his policies on his economically weak state. Also, the migration of Ta’aisha and Baggara had great political and economic consequences, as the citizens of Omdurman, particularly those of Nilotic origins (Awlad Al-Bahar) and relatives of Al-Mahdi –who thought they were more entitled to become successors of Al-Mahdi– did not see any reason to be welcoming of the newcomers, as Al-Khalifa didn’t even try to disguise his dependence on his kin (Awlad AlGharib) and used them to suppress the opposition to his rule and by forming a new personal military force.29
***
Although plenty of women worked in the market of the city to the extent that they had an entire section dedicated to them, there is general ambiguity in how women lived their lives in Mahdist Omdurman. Women’s presence in the city wasn’t sufficiently documented, as the Mahdist state had policies that required them to stay at home, and these policies reflected in the residential architecture in old Omdurman. For example, we can look at “Al-Naffaj”, which is a passage that connects the houses of the families in Omdurman, as an architectural element that encouraged women stay at home, thus avoiding the need to go out in the streets.
It is interesting that at times Omdurman was considered a “Women’s City,” particularly because the men had to go to war for long periods of time, which revived the women’s role in trade and crafts in the market. After the bloody Karari Battle (Battle of Omdurman), where 11,000 men of Al-Khalifa’s army died, Omdurman was almost entirely under women’s rule. However, the british policies changed that later and only dealt with men, as they did not acknowledge women’s rule even in their homeland. These circumstances did not deter the women’s movement in Omdurman, which continued to grow and flourish.31
***
After The Mahdist state was conquered by the Anglo-Egyptian invasion in 1898, many of the tribes migrated back to their lands, following the colonial policy to “empty the capital area of useless mouths.”33 Due to these policies, towns in Kordofan and Al-Jazirah flourished once more, as many of their inhabitants were formerly forced to stay in Omdurman by Al-Khalifa. Some were forced out of the city after the battle of Karari, while others stayed in Omdurman and made it their home. On the other bank of the Nile, Khartoum, the colonial capital city, for the second time, arose from its rubble. However, it’s new map did not include national citizens, who resided at the outskirts, which did not bother the colonizers at all.34
The planning process of Khartoum was primarily concerned with foreign elites, who resided in the Nile-neighboring areas in the north and center of the city. The colonial presence was prolific in the city’s diagonal roads that were overlaid on a gridiron pattern in an imitation of the Union Jack, the national flag of the United Kingdom.36 These diagonal roads were created first and foremost for security, as they eased the military control over the city against any kind of resistance, meanwhile the locals were left to inhabit shantytowns beyond the railroad bridge and Al-Sunut Forest.37 Khartoum in this manner was designed and planned to resemble a European city, while Omdurman was ignored and disregarded by the British as a discriminatory policy and became with –its organic nature– the primitive model that broke out of control, contrasting the modernity of Khartoum, at least in the eyes of colonizers. Paradoxically, Khartoum was seen as an ugly artificial city by Europeans who were more fascinated by Omdurman in true orientalist fashion and showed interest in visiting the city because of the “authentic” and “exotic” experience it offered.38
When the British finally began to think of planning Omdurman which –despite the out-migrations from the city– maintained an enormous population (43,000 in the year 1910). This proved to be quite difficult as the British couldn’t organize the meandering labyrinthine alleyways of the city. Also, Omdurmanis were adamant in holding onto their rights as owners of property, forcing the British to take a more conservative route than that of Khartoum.40 Henceforth, most of the city replanning concerned the road network as well as the neighborhoods that weren’t heavily populated or those that were demolished during the Anglo-Egyptian invasion.41 One such example is the old Mulazmeen quarter that was destroyed in the battle of Karari, which was then replanned and laid out decades later.
After assigning the British James Bramble as inspector of Omdurman, he converted the House of Al-Khalifa into a museum in 1928 and added a few exhibitions from the Mahdist era. That marked the beginning of the modernization process of the cultural identity of Omdurman.43 In that era, the British worked on diversifying activities as cultural, educational, health, and recreational activities were introduced to Omdurman, such as the Grand Mosque, Omdurman’s General Hospital and the Teacher’s Institute.44 The older location of Omdurman Radio was also constructed in 1940 in the Post Office Buildings,45 in addition to Bramble Cinema and National Cinema.46
Since Khartoum was constructed as a colonial city during that period, Omdurman was considered the national capital, which transformed it into the nationalists refuge as well as anyone who wished to rebel against colonialist Khartoum.48 Therefore during the Condominium rule, the headquarters of the Graduates General Congress, and later the headquarters of most of the national political parties were established in Omdurman.49 Nearby, Omdurman’s Market flourished50 after it had undergone a process of expansion and replanned of its road network as well as the reorganization of the market itself.51 Omdurman’s market famously contained important cafes, such as George Mashriqi, Wad Al-Agha, Al-Zeibaq, and Yousuf Al-Faki Cafés.52 These cafes were considered the beating heart of the city with their literary and artistic forums that hosted artists and poets –especially Haqeeba poets– and it became the center for an intellectual and political revolution in the past century; the national movement.53
Colonial policies were restrictive on mass migrations, therefore after Sudan’s independence and the lifting of these restrictions, there was considerable accerlation in the rate of migration.54 Omdurman continued to expand after Sudan’s independence, leading to the emergence of new neighborhoods, such as Al-Thawrat, Um Badda, Al-Muhandiseen, Al-Rawda, and Madinat Al-Neel, which with their vast extensions became cities in their own right.55 However, the city’s expansion became increasingly more rapid in the following decades that the planning process changed and the city entered a new era of urbanization.
Waves of migration from rural areas to Omdurman due to the attraction of the capital were motivated mostly by economic reasons. However, the largest development in the pattern of migration to the capital occurred when internally displaced persons (IDPs) fled to the capital and settled on the outskirts of the city. There are numerous drivers of displacement in Sudan that forced people to flee to the capital. The country faced many natural disasters in the beginning of the 1980s, including droughts and famines in the west and the east, which forced thousands to flee internally to the capital city. 120,000 persons have fled to Khartoum from Darfur and Kordofan alone.57 In parallel, the second civil war which took place between 1983 and 2005, forced many people to flee to Khartoum and Omdurman to escape war.58 Also the conflict in Darfur, which began in 2003, forced more people to be displaced.59 Because of these reasons, Sudan was ranked as the country with the highest number of IDPs in the world in the 1990s and 2000s, and in the year 2005, the number of IDPs reached its peak with 6.1 million IDPs in the country.60 Despite the decrease of this number through the years, Sudan’s ranking remains high in the list with 2 million IDPs.61
These enormous numbers of IDPs that arrived in the capital –in what is referred to as “the black belt”– faced denial and indifference as well as outright hostility from successive governments since the 1980s. IDPs were viewed as a threat to political stability, a burden to the economy, and a source of social and cultural tension, all of which created hardships for them in securing housing and services.62 President Nimeri (1969-1985) went as far as enforcing the (Kesha) policy: “the displaced who trekked to Khartoum from western and southern Sudan were randomly picked up by security forces and relocated either back to their places of origin or to production sites in the districts of the central region.”63
In late 1990s and early 2000s, Inqaz government (1989-2019) started some initiatives to fight poverty and marginalization, and huge numbers of low income citizens were integrated in working class districts around Khartoum, but these initiatives were interrupted by frequent random and inhumane evacuations which resulted in many human rights complaints.65
Most IDPs settled in informal housing (slums) on the outskirts of cities. Planning initiatives since the 1990s were limited to the provision of lands on the outskirts of cities, and they were ostensibly designed to decrease the pressure on the overpopulated slums, so their houses were destroyed by security forces, and they were forcibly moved to new areas known as IDP camps. Such as Dar Al-Salam and Wad Al-Bashir camps in Omdurman.66 The urban researcher Dr. Hanaa Mutasim conducted interviews with IDPs who settled in Dar Al-Salam camp and found out that most of them used to live in Al-Gamayir neighborhood in the center of Omdurman. When Dar Al-Salam camp was built, the government destroyed their houses without providing any compensations, and Al-Gamayir was re-planned into first class land plots and was named Al-Thawra, Block 6).67
Those who flee to the city are the ones who suffer the most from the lack of services and inaccessibility to livelihoods, because authorities always try to place them in the margins, out of the sight of city inhabitants. This painful reality of these camps in Omdurman was reflected in the names given by the locals who live in them. Of the examples of these names is Al-Salam camp, which is also named “Jabarona”68 (meaning they forced us). The government tried to change these names in an attempt to conceal the truth, for example the camp named “Zagalona” (meaning we were thrown out), was renamed to be “Al-Tharwa 15.”69
While the government has tried to enable IDPs to own land when it established Al-Fatih resettlement sites 40km north of Omdurman, these sites have significantly decreased the quality of life for IDPs since they are very far from the city center and provide no access to services and livelihoods for them.70 Due to these difficult circumstances, IDPs were forced to leave Al-Fatih and be displaced once more.
We must view IDP camps, relocation sites, and even informal settlements in a critical eye and how the issues of the margin are transported into the city. It’s important to consider the city’s position and acknowledgement to IDPs, since through their different architectures, have become inseparable parts of the formation of our capital, Khartoum. It is without a doubt that urbanization is a global phenomenon today, and because of that, cities must be able to predict, accommodate and be resilient towards this growth particularly towards vulnerable groups who have been displaced, marginalized and forced into cruel circumstances that encloses them in a continuous cycle of poverty and displacement.
***
The ethnic and cultural homogeneity of Omdurman that was created during the colonial era was a result of painful experiences that the inhabitants of the city have experienced. The city had its fair share of tribal tensions that rattled the city between Al-Khalifa and his relatives from the western Sudan tribes, and the relatives of Al-Mahdi and the Nilotic tribes. The fall of the Mahdist state and the painful defeat in the Karari Battle, however, united the citizens of Omdurman against colonial rule, propelling the city into an era of social cohesion and integration. These factors led to launching the national movement inorder to liberate the country from under the colonizer’s rule, thus giving birth to Omdurman’s identity as Sudan’s microcosm, the nationalists’ refuge.
However, if Omdurman is indeed seen as a model of national integration and the melting pot that shaped the Sudanese national identity through the prevailing cultural movement which started during the colonial period, some consider that this statement is not accurate, and in fact misleading. The culture of Omdurman has rejected and alienated other groups and individuals with the argument that they are not true Omdurmanis.71 Some even claim that the many migrations in the 1970s and 1980s, was the beginning of losing the image of “national identity.”
In fact, this statement calls for questioning this image; did it truly reflect the national integration that allegedly envelopes the entirety of Sudan? Professor Idris Salim says that Omdurmanis will say yes, because the image of Omdurman as Sudan's microcosm exists only in their minds.72
That national identity of Omdurman has certainly been put to the test since the 1980s and onwards. “I am Omdurman, I am Sudan” now has new meanings, as Sudan since its independence, hasn’t witnessed stability in all of its parts that were marginalized at the expense of developing the center. These displaced people have brought their grievances and destabilized Khartoum’s -and therefore, Omdurman’s- manufactured image of stability and social harmony. In fact, the image of Omdurman as microcosm of Sudan did not become a reality until it actually included people from all parts of Sudan, who were once again marginalized at city level in the midst of social elimination by native Omdurmanis.
In the face of this new challenge to the Omdurmani identity, there is no common enemy that unites Omdurmanis, as the enemy has become one another once more, similar to that of the Mahdist state. It is without a doubt that the best and ideal solution for the issue of displacement is through finding radical solutions at the root causes. However, it seems that the current complexity of the political and economic situation in Sudan makes it more challenging to achieve radical solutions in the near future. In the midst of these complexities, one may argue that one of the few options available is to address the issues of IDPs on a city level, if at the very least by changing the state’s marginalizing and discriminatory policies against them. Omdurman today is presented with a unique opportunity, since it’s image as Sudan’s microcosm has the capacity to be utilized as a realistic example to achieve social cohesion and real change, instead of utilizing its image for othering people. If Omdurman becomes able to achieve true equality on all social, cultural and economic aspects to all of its inhabitants in the future, perhaps that might carve the path towards finding actual solutions to the problems that have divided Sudan since its independence.
“I am Omdurman, I Am the Nation
Its voice, and its feelings
I am the foundation
I… the one who brought together the dispersed
Melded north with south
Poured east into west
And planted kindness on the roads
May I remain the pride of our homelands”
- Abdullah Mohammed Zain
“From Futaih, through the creek to Al Maghalig
From the highlands of Aburof to the lowlands
A stride, my lord, barefoot and clean-shaven
Following the route of the Tram”
- Khalil Farah
Omdurman has always been known as the national city, the melting pot that comprises all ethnicities, tribes, geographies and cultures, despite the internal political and economic differences. The opinions seem to vary between supporters and critics of this national identity it represents, or maybe was intended to. In our exploration of the urban history of the city, we will discuss the settings and circumstances that have contributed to the foundation of the city, taking in consideration the issue of migration and its impact on the urban fabric, as one of the most important factors, if not the most important at all, that contributed to the making of today’s Omdurman. The issue of migration will not be discussed in isolation from all the political, economic, and social factors that influenced or was influenced by the city throughout the different time periods.
***
A first time visitor of Omdurman will unmistakable take notice of the particularity of the site, as it lays between the arid western desert that extends as far as the eye can see, and the Nile, the source of life, as it slowly flows northwards toward the Mediterranean, and with its vast skies and rock-strewn ground. All these factors have shaped it into an excellent location, chosen carefully for erecting the camp of Al-Mahdi in his war against the Turco-Egyptian colonization. Nevertheless, these characteristics became ideal for the creation of a city distinguished with its unique history and culture.
The history of settlement in Omdurman highlights the importance of the location, as the excavations around Abu Anja Creek revealed remains that date back to the Lower Paleolithic era,1 and ever since, the area has remained inhabited by different groups of peoples throughout time. However, Omdurman as we know it today might have been founded by mere chance, as it was originally established as a camp for the armies of Al-Mahdi. Following that, we cannot say that the development of the city that happened afterwards was by mere chance as well, as the planning processes of the city were intentional, including the natural and spontaneous nature of the city’s architecture.
Muhammad Ahmad Al-Mahdi is a very intruiging and controversial character. He had a deep faith that he was “the Mahdi” (the rightly guided one), which greatly motivated him to launch his revolutionary movement. He set Prophet Muhammad (PBUH) as his role model which can be observed in the various similarities that exist between the characters of Al-Mahdi and Prophet Muhammad. Understanding the relation between these two figures will aid in comprehending the objectives of Al-Mahdi’s message and the establishment of the Mahdist State later. Al-Mahdi’s objective was to free the lands of the Muslims and the Sudanese, and to continue to “liberating” other states –such as Egypt- similar to the first message of Islam. One of the most important stories in the history of Omdurman that displays the mirroring between Al-Mahdi and Prophet Muhammad is how he chose the location of his house, as he left the matter to his horse until it stood, and that is how the location was decided. His house was made of mud, and following his death, he was buried there and a domed shrine was built above it in that same location where it remains to this day.2
Al-Mahdi left Ar-Rahad and headed towards Khartoum in August 1884, after ordering his followers to march to the east to free the capital city –Khartoum– from the colonizers.3 A great number of people responded to his call and a mass migration began that marked the beginning of the migration towards Omdurman. Omdurman’s sanctity for the Mahdi and his supporters could be recognized in the numerous names that were given to the city, such as Al-Buq’ah, Al-Buq’ah Al-Tahira (the Immaculate Spot) and Dar Al-Hijrah (the Land of Migration), the latter was engraved on the coins made during his reign. In addition to that existed the military advantages, as this spontaneous area had turned into a huge camp as Al-Mahdi’s supporters flocked towards that area and built houses with straw, leather and logs,4 then the city came to life.
Al-Mahdi’s wars against the Turco-Egyptian colonial rule in Sudan was crowned by liberating Khartoum in January 1885.5 However, Al-Mahdi died shortly after moving to Omdurman, and Al-Khalifa Abdullahi –his successor– ruled after him. Al-Khalifa’s reign witnessed the writing of a new history for Omdurman, starting from the moment Al-Khalifa announced Omdurman as the capital city for the Mahdist state. So how did the city grow over such a short period of time to spread over an area of more than 20 square miles?
In May 1885, Al-Khalifa ordered the evacuation of Khartoum and all its residents were to relocate to Omdurman.7 His aim was to eradicate any competition to his new capital city, thus began the destruction of the buildings of Khartoum, as their building materials were dismantled and moved to Omdurman to build new houses there.8 The fusion of different ethnic groups and cultures became a signature of Mahdist Omdurman as the city contained representatives of all Sudanese tribes that coexisted with Egyptians, Indians, Mecca Arabs, Syrians, Greeks, Italians, Turks, Ethiopians, Jews, in addition to groups of West African origins, such as Fulani, Borno, and Borgu peoples. The population of Mahdist Omdurman was estimated to be over 150,000,9 and some speculate that it even reached 400,000.10
The policies of Al-Khalifa required the settlement of as many tribal groups near him as possible, as he needed a huge military force at hand, not only to conquer other states, but also to protect the borders of his city that was surrounded with dangers from all directions. Al-Khalifa turned Omdurman to a city that adopted Khartoum’s former functions as the administrative and bureaucratic center, carrying out the various administrative and military functions of the state.11
Omdurman began to slowly form according to the strategies of Al-Khalifa, as he was the mastermind behind the city’s planning decisions that turned the scattered villages –which previously comprised Omdurman– into the capital city of his state. This planning process resulted in the creation of the main roads and yards, the market, the mosque, the barracks and other facilities in the city.12 The construction materials utilized were chosen to emphasized the power of Al-Khalifa, as the red bricks seized from the houses of the Turks in Khartoum were used, with the help of skilled engineers and technicians, to build the domed shrine of Al-Mahdi and the quarters of Al-Khalifa.13 Also, the center of the city, which consisted of the official facilities –beside the house of Al-Khalifa and the houses of his guards and family– was surrounded by a great stone wall. Some parts of this wall remain till this day, as it’s construction took almost as many years as the Mahdist state remained in power.14
Between the years 1885 and 1898, the residential areas around Omdurman began to form in an Arab-Islamic style, with vast interior yards (hosh) as a distinctive characteristic. The city followed an organic traditional style that is labyrinth-like and quite difficult to understand, as Al-Khalifa built Omdurman in a network-like style that resembles the religious voids in classical Islamic cities. This spontaneous nature to the city can be noticed in the seemingly disorganized growth of the social fabric of its population, which follows social norms and traditions that follow the principles of vernacular architecture.16
The Salafist method of Al-Khalifa and his animosity towards Sufi sects was reflected on architecture, as he prohibited any form of ornaments, except for Quranic verses. The Nubian style of house with its ornamented facades, for example, didn’t find a place in the mono-cultural Mahdist Omdurman, despite the settlement of Nubians in the city.17 In contrast to the houses of Al-Khalifa with their fortified materials, the houses of Mahdist Omdurman were mostly simple, as the houses of Nilotic peoples were built of fragile materials, such as straw and mud, that being the reason why not much of them remained. Also, the people of nomadic tribes from the west, due to their lifestyle, built semi-permanent houses that also got destroyed with time.18
Omdurman had very narrow streets and closed alleys with a distinctive characteristic of being intimate and private. People got around the city walking and rode donkeys, horses, or carts as means of transportation between houses and neighborhoods, which impacted the planning and organic design of the road network.20
The main urban element of Omdurman was the market; in fact, the establishment of Omdurman Market boosted trade movement in the city, as the small seasonal markets that mainly depended on agricultural products turned into a permanent market in the era of Al-Khalifa. It also became a destination for the different Sudanese groups and tribes, so it attracted more people from the north, south, west and east. It also attracted merchants and skilled craftsmen from neighboring countries.21
Hajj caravans, traveling all the way from West Africa, had to stop at Omdurman Market, and it became their regular route. Also merchants arrived from Egypt and India and settled in Omdurman so they can work in its market.22 The river traffic was also very active because of the boat manufacturing industry that was popular at the time, so Omdurman became the destination of many tribes that lived on the banks of Blue Nile, White Nile, and River Nile. Most of the roads in old Omdurman, and especially in the northwestern side, led to the Market. Because of these factors, Omdurman Market became a key pillar for the city, and the focal point of intersection that drew people from all directions.23
Travelers from West Africa used to depart heading eastwards to Mecca. They embarked on their journey usually without enough funds to sustain their travel expenses, therefore they stayed and worked in places along their route in order to afford their journey. Omdurman, which was already on their pilgrimage route to Mecca,25 welcomed and sheltered them, although the Mahdist state and Al-Khalifa regularly recruited them in his army.26
***
The newly formed Mahdist state faced many battles against different states, as it was threatened on its borders with both Egypt and Ethiopia, in addition to having internal conflicts. In order to strengthen and increase his armies, and because of his distrust towards the other tribes that were against his succession and sovereignty, Al-Khalifa ordered the tribes of Ta’aisha and Baggara to forcefully migrate from Darfur to Omdurman. This decision had a huge impact on the economic and political state of Omdurman, and perhaps the country in its entirety.
It is important to note that the Ta’aisha and Baggara are nomads who worked in agriculture or cattle grazing, but by forcibly displacing them to Omdurman, Al-Khalifa turned them from a productive group for the state to soldiers in his army. On their way through Kordofan, they consumed their sorghum stock, and when they reached Omdurman became a privileged elite. Their status and kinship to Al-Khalifa saw that they were provided with all types of supplies and foods, which impacted the state’s reserve. Their migration coincided with a year of very low harvest, due to the droughts in the past season. Because of these conditions, the country underwent one of its worst famines, the famine of “the year 6” (1306/1890).27
The failure of the Mahdist state to relieve the famine that hit its citizens due to the militarization and the calls for Jihad, put the state in a dilemma. The state was completely unable to meet the needs of its population as well as maintain it’s war economy which was imposed on it since its inception.28 The economic policy of the state, the boycott of Egypt, and the decrease of trade movement were all factors that worsened the situation. Al-Khalifa did not foresee the impact of his policies on his economically weak state. Also, the migration of Ta’aisha and Baggara had great political and economic consequences, as the citizens of Omdurman, particularly those of Nilotic origins (Awlad Al-Bahar) and relatives of Al-Mahdi –who thought they were more entitled to become successors of Al-Mahdi– did not see any reason to be welcoming of the newcomers, as Al-Khalifa didn’t even try to disguise his dependence on his kin (Awlad AlGharib) and used them to suppress the opposition to his rule and by forming a new personal military force.29
***
Although plenty of women worked in the market of the city to the extent that they had an entire section dedicated to them, there is general ambiguity in how women lived their lives in Mahdist Omdurman. Women’s presence in the city wasn’t sufficiently documented, as the Mahdist state had policies that required them to stay at home, and these policies reflected in the residential architecture in old Omdurman. For example, we can look at “Al-Naffaj”, which is a passage that connects the houses of the families in Omdurman, as an architectural element that encouraged women stay at home, thus avoiding the need to go out in the streets.
It is interesting that at times Omdurman was considered a “Women’s City,” particularly because the men had to go to war for long periods of time, which revived the women’s role in trade and crafts in the market. After the bloody Karari Battle (Battle of Omdurman), where 11,000 men of Al-Khalifa’s army died, Omdurman was almost entirely under women’s rule. However, the british policies changed that later and only dealt with men, as they did not acknowledge women’s rule even in their homeland. These circumstances did not deter the women’s movement in Omdurman, which continued to grow and flourish.31
***
After The Mahdist state was conquered by the Anglo-Egyptian invasion in 1898, many of the tribes migrated back to their lands, following the colonial policy to “empty the capital area of useless mouths.”33 Due to these policies, towns in Kordofan and Al-Jazirah flourished once more, as many of their inhabitants were formerly forced to stay in Omdurman by Al-Khalifa. Some were forced out of the city after the battle of Karari, while others stayed in Omdurman and made it their home. On the other bank of the Nile, Khartoum, the colonial capital city, for the second time, arose from its rubble. However, it’s new map did not include national citizens, who resided at the outskirts, which did not bother the colonizers at all.34
The planning process of Khartoum was primarily concerned with foreign elites, who resided in the Nile-neighboring areas in the north and center of the city. The colonial presence was prolific in the city’s diagonal roads that were overlaid on a gridiron pattern in an imitation of the Union Jack, the national flag of the United Kingdom.36 These diagonal roads were created first and foremost for security, as they eased the military control over the city against any kind of resistance, meanwhile the locals were left to inhabit shantytowns beyond the railroad bridge and Al-Sunut Forest.37 Khartoum in this manner was designed and planned to resemble a European city, while Omdurman was ignored and disregarded by the British as a discriminatory policy and became with –its organic nature– the primitive model that broke out of control, contrasting the modernity of Khartoum, at least in the eyes of colonizers. Paradoxically, Khartoum was seen as an ugly artificial city by Europeans who were more fascinated by Omdurman in true orientalist fashion and showed interest in visiting the city because of the “authentic” and “exotic” experience it offered.38
When the British finally began to think of planning Omdurman which –despite the out-migrations from the city– maintained an enormous population (43,000 in the year 1910). This proved to be quite difficult as the British couldn’t organize the meandering labyrinthine alleyways of the city. Also, Omdurmanis were adamant in holding onto their rights as owners of property, forcing the British to take a more conservative route than that of Khartoum.40 Henceforth, most of the city replanning concerned the road network as well as the neighborhoods that weren’t heavily populated or those that were demolished during the Anglo-Egyptian invasion.41 One such example is the old Mulazmeen quarter that was destroyed in the battle of Karari, which was then replanned and laid out decades later.
After assigning the British James Bramble as inspector of Omdurman, he converted the House of Al-Khalifa into a museum in 1928 and added a few exhibitions from the Mahdist era. That marked the beginning of the modernization process of the cultural identity of Omdurman.43 In that era, the British worked on diversifying activities as cultural, educational, health, and recreational activities were introduced to Omdurman, such as the Grand Mosque, Omdurman’s General Hospital and the Teacher’s Institute.44 The older location of Omdurman Radio was also constructed in 1940 in the Post Office Buildings,45 in addition to Bramble Cinema and National Cinema.46
Since Khartoum was constructed as a colonial city during that period, Omdurman was considered the national capital, which transformed it into the nationalists refuge as well as anyone who wished to rebel against colonialist Khartoum.48 Therefore during the Condominium rule, the headquarters of the Graduates General Congress, and later the headquarters of most of the national political parties were established in Omdurman.49 Nearby, Omdurman’s Market flourished50 after it had undergone a process of expansion and replanned of its road network as well as the reorganization of the market itself.51 Omdurman’s market famously contained important cafes, such as George Mashriqi, Wad Al-Agha, Al-Zeibaq, and Yousuf Al-Faki Cafés.52 These cafes were considered the beating heart of the city with their literary and artistic forums that hosted artists and poets –especially Haqeeba poets– and it became the center for an intellectual and political revolution in the past century; the national movement.53
Colonial policies were restrictive on mass migrations, therefore after Sudan’s independence and the lifting of these restrictions, there was considerable accerlation in the rate of migration.54 Omdurman continued to expand after Sudan’s independence, leading to the emergence of new neighborhoods, such as Al-Thawrat, Um Badda, Al-Muhandiseen, Al-Rawda, and Madinat Al-Neel, which with their vast extensions became cities in their own right.55 However, the city’s expansion became increasingly more rapid in the following decades that the planning process changed and the city entered a new era of urbanization.
Waves of migration from rural areas to Omdurman due to the attraction of the capital were motivated mostly by economic reasons. However, the largest development in the pattern of migration to the capital occurred when internally displaced persons (IDPs) fled to the capital and settled on the outskirts of the city. There are numerous drivers of displacement in Sudan that forced people to flee to the capital. The country faced many natural disasters in the beginning of the 1980s, including droughts and famines in the west and the east, which forced thousands to flee internally to the capital city. 120,000 persons have fled to Khartoum from Darfur and Kordofan alone.57 In parallel, the second civil war which took place between 1983 and 2005, forced many people to flee to Khartoum and Omdurman to escape war.58 Also the conflict in Darfur, which began in 2003, forced more people to be displaced.59 Because of these reasons, Sudan was ranked as the country with the highest number of IDPs in the world in the 1990s and 2000s, and in the year 2005, the number of IDPs reached its peak with 6.1 million IDPs in the country.60 Despite the decrease of this number through the years, Sudan’s ranking remains high in the list with 2 million IDPs.61
These enormous numbers of IDPs that arrived in the capital –in what is referred to as “the black belt”– faced denial and indifference as well as outright hostility from successive governments since the 1980s. IDPs were viewed as a threat to political stability, a burden to the economy, and a source of social and cultural tension, all of which created hardships for them in securing housing and services.62 President Nimeri (1969-1985) went as far as enforcing the (Kesha) policy: “the displaced who trekked to Khartoum from western and southern Sudan were randomly picked up by security forces and relocated either back to their places of origin or to production sites in the districts of the central region.”63
In late 1990s and early 2000s, Inqaz government (1989-2019) started some initiatives to fight poverty and marginalization, and huge numbers of low income citizens were integrated in working class districts around Khartoum, but these initiatives were interrupted by frequent random and inhumane evacuations which resulted in many human rights complaints.65
Most IDPs settled in informal housing (slums) on the outskirts of cities. Planning initiatives since the 1990s were limited to the provision of lands on the outskirts of cities, and they were ostensibly designed to decrease the pressure on the overpopulated slums, so their houses were destroyed by security forces, and they were forcibly moved to new areas known as IDP camps. Such as Dar Al-Salam and Wad Al-Bashir camps in Omdurman.66 The urban researcher Dr. Hanaa Mutasim conducted interviews with IDPs who settled in Dar Al-Salam camp and found out that most of them used to live in Al-Gamayir neighborhood in the center of Omdurman. When Dar Al-Salam camp was built, the government destroyed their houses without providing any compensations, and Al-Gamayir was re-planned into first class land plots and was named Al-Thawra, Block 6).67
Those who flee to the city are the ones who suffer the most from the lack of services and inaccessibility to livelihoods, because authorities always try to place them in the margins, out of the sight of city inhabitants. This painful reality of these camps in Omdurman was reflected in the names given by the locals who live in them. Of the examples of these names is Al-Salam camp, which is also named “Jabarona”68 (meaning they forced us). The government tried to change these names in an attempt to conceal the truth, for example the camp named “Zagalona” (meaning we were thrown out), was renamed to be “Al-Tharwa 15.”69
While the government has tried to enable IDPs to own land when it established Al-Fatih resettlement sites 40km north of Omdurman, these sites have significantly decreased the quality of life for IDPs since they are very far from the city center and provide no access to services and livelihoods for them.70 Due to these difficult circumstances, IDPs were forced to leave Al-Fatih and be displaced once more.
We must view IDP camps, relocation sites, and even informal settlements in a critical eye and how the issues of the margin are transported into the city. It’s important to consider the city’s position and acknowledgement to IDPs, since through their different architectures, have become inseparable parts of the formation of our capital, Khartoum. It is without a doubt that urbanization is a global phenomenon today, and because of that, cities must be able to predict, accommodate and be resilient towards this growth particularly towards vulnerable groups who have been displaced, marginalized and forced into cruel circumstances that encloses them in a continuous cycle of poverty and displacement.
***
The ethnic and cultural homogeneity of Omdurman that was created during the colonial era was a result of painful experiences that the inhabitants of the city have experienced. The city had its fair share of tribal tensions that rattled the city between Al-Khalifa and his relatives from the western Sudan tribes, and the relatives of Al-Mahdi and the Nilotic tribes. The fall of the Mahdist state and the painful defeat in the Karari Battle, however, united the citizens of Omdurman against colonial rule, propelling the city into an era of social cohesion and integration. These factors led to launching the national movement inorder to liberate the country from under the colonizer’s rule, thus giving birth to Omdurman’s identity as Sudan’s microcosm, the nationalists’ refuge.
However, if Omdurman is indeed seen as a model of national integration and the melting pot that shaped the Sudanese national identity through the prevailing cultural movement which started during the colonial period, some consider that this statement is not accurate, and in fact misleading. The culture of Omdurman has rejected and alienated other groups and individuals with the argument that they are not true Omdurmanis.71 Some even claim that the many migrations in the 1970s and 1980s, was the beginning of losing the image of “national identity.”
In fact, this statement calls for questioning this image; did it truly reflect the national integration that allegedly envelopes the entirety of Sudan? Professor Idris Salim says that Omdurmanis will say yes, because the image of Omdurman as Sudan's microcosm exists only in their minds.72
That national identity of Omdurman has certainly been put to the test since the 1980s and onwards. “I am Omdurman, I am Sudan” now has new meanings, as Sudan since its independence, hasn’t witnessed stability in all of its parts that were marginalized at the expense of developing the center. These displaced people have brought their grievances and destabilized Khartoum’s -and therefore, Omdurman’s- manufactured image of stability and social harmony. In fact, the image of Omdurman as microcosm of Sudan did not become a reality until it actually included people from all parts of Sudan, who were once again marginalized at city level in the midst of social elimination by native Omdurmanis.
In the face of this new challenge to the Omdurmani identity, there is no common enemy that unites Omdurmanis, as the enemy has become one another once more, similar to that of the Mahdist state. It is without a doubt that the best and ideal solution for the issue of displacement is through finding radical solutions at the root causes. However, it seems that the current complexity of the political and economic situation in Sudan makes it more challenging to achieve radical solutions in the near future. In the midst of these complexities, one may argue that one of the few options available is to address the issues of IDPs on a city level, if at the very least by changing the state’s marginalizing and discriminatory policies against them. Omdurman today is presented with a unique opportunity, since it’s image as Sudan’s microcosm has the capacity to be utilized as a realistic example to achieve social cohesion and real change, instead of utilizing its image for othering people. If Omdurman becomes able to achieve true equality on all social, cultural and economic aspects to all of its inhabitants in the future, perhaps that might carve the path towards finding actual solutions to the problems that have divided Sudan since its independence.
“I am Omdurman, I Am the Nation
Its voice, and its feelings
I am the foundation
I… the one who brought together the dispersed
Melded north with south
Poured east into west
And planted kindness on the roads
May I remain the pride of our homelands”
- Abdullah Mohammed Zain
“From Futaih, through the creek to Al Maghalig
From the highlands of Aburof to the lowlands
A stride, my lord, barefoot and clean-shaven
Following the route of the Tram”
- Khalil Farah
Omdurman has always been known as the national city, the melting pot that comprises all ethnicities, tribes, geographies and cultures, despite the internal political and economic differences. The opinions seem to vary between supporters and critics of this national identity it represents, or maybe was intended to. In our exploration of the urban history of the city, we will discuss the settings and circumstances that have contributed to the foundation of the city, taking in consideration the issue of migration and its impact on the urban fabric, as one of the most important factors, if not the most important at all, that contributed to the making of today’s Omdurman. The issue of migration will not be discussed in isolation from all the political, economic, and social factors that influenced or was influenced by the city throughout the different time periods.
***
A first time visitor of Omdurman will unmistakable take notice of the particularity of the site, as it lays between the arid western desert that extends as far as the eye can see, and the Nile, the source of life, as it slowly flows northwards toward the Mediterranean, and with its vast skies and rock-strewn ground. All these factors have shaped it into an excellent location, chosen carefully for erecting the camp of Al-Mahdi in his war against the Turco-Egyptian colonization. Nevertheless, these characteristics became ideal for the creation of a city distinguished with its unique history and culture.
The history of settlement in Omdurman highlights the importance of the location, as the excavations around Abu Anja Creek revealed remains that date back to the Lower Paleolithic era,1 and ever since, the area has remained inhabited by different groups of peoples throughout time. However, Omdurman as we know it today might have been founded by mere chance, as it was originally established as a camp for the armies of Al-Mahdi. Following that, we cannot say that the development of the city that happened afterwards was by mere chance as well, as the planning processes of the city were intentional, including the natural and spontaneous nature of the city’s architecture.
Muhammad Ahmad Al-Mahdi is a very intruiging and controversial character. He had a deep faith that he was “the Mahdi” (the rightly guided one), which greatly motivated him to launch his revolutionary movement. He set Prophet Muhammad (PBUH) as his role model which can be observed in the various similarities that exist between the characters of Al-Mahdi and Prophet Muhammad. Understanding the relation between these two figures will aid in comprehending the objectives of Al-Mahdi’s message and the establishment of the Mahdist State later. Al-Mahdi’s objective was to free the lands of the Muslims and the Sudanese, and to continue to “liberating” other states –such as Egypt- similar to the first message of Islam. One of the most important stories in the history of Omdurman that displays the mirroring between Al-Mahdi and Prophet Muhammad is how he chose the location of his house, as he left the matter to his horse until it stood, and that is how the location was decided. His house was made of mud, and following his death, he was buried there and a domed shrine was built above it in that same location where it remains to this day.2
Al-Mahdi left Ar-Rahad and headed towards Khartoum in August 1884, after ordering his followers to march to the east to free the capital city –Khartoum– from the colonizers.3 A great number of people responded to his call and a mass migration began that marked the beginning of the migration towards Omdurman. Omdurman’s sanctity for the Mahdi and his supporters could be recognized in the numerous names that were given to the city, such as Al-Buq’ah, Al-Buq’ah Al-Tahira (the Immaculate Spot) and Dar Al-Hijrah (the Land of Migration), the latter was engraved on the coins made during his reign. In addition to that existed the military advantages, as this spontaneous area had turned into a huge camp as Al-Mahdi’s supporters flocked towards that area and built houses with straw, leather and logs,4 then the city came to life.
Al-Mahdi’s wars against the Turco-Egyptian colonial rule in Sudan was crowned by liberating Khartoum in January 1885.5 However, Al-Mahdi died shortly after moving to Omdurman, and Al-Khalifa Abdullahi –his successor– ruled after him. Al-Khalifa’s reign witnessed the writing of a new history for Omdurman, starting from the moment Al-Khalifa announced Omdurman as the capital city for the Mahdist state. So how did the city grow over such a short period of time to spread over an area of more than 20 square miles?
In May 1885, Al-Khalifa ordered the evacuation of Khartoum and all its residents were to relocate to Omdurman.7 His aim was to eradicate any competition to his new capital city, thus began the destruction of the buildings of Khartoum, as their building materials were dismantled and moved to Omdurman to build new houses there.8 The fusion of different ethnic groups and cultures became a signature of Mahdist Omdurman as the city contained representatives of all Sudanese tribes that coexisted with Egyptians, Indians, Mecca Arabs, Syrians, Greeks, Italians, Turks, Ethiopians, Jews, in addition to groups of West African origins, such as Fulani, Borno, and Borgu peoples. The population of Mahdist Omdurman was estimated to be over 150,000,9 and some speculate that it even reached 400,000.10
The policies of Al-Khalifa required the settlement of as many tribal groups near him as possible, as he needed a huge military force at hand, not only to conquer other states, but also to protect the borders of his city that was surrounded with dangers from all directions. Al-Khalifa turned Omdurman to a city that adopted Khartoum’s former functions as the administrative and bureaucratic center, carrying out the various administrative and military functions of the state.11
Omdurman began to slowly form according to the strategies of Al-Khalifa, as he was the mastermind behind the city’s planning decisions that turned the scattered villages –which previously comprised Omdurman– into the capital city of his state. This planning process resulted in the creation of the main roads and yards, the market, the mosque, the barracks and other facilities in the city.12 The construction materials utilized were chosen to emphasized the power of Al-Khalifa, as the red bricks seized from the houses of the Turks in Khartoum were used, with the help of skilled engineers and technicians, to build the domed shrine of Al-Mahdi and the quarters of Al-Khalifa.13 Also, the center of the city, which consisted of the official facilities –beside the house of Al-Khalifa and the houses of his guards and family– was surrounded by a great stone wall. Some parts of this wall remain till this day, as it’s construction took almost as many years as the Mahdist state remained in power.14
Between the years 1885 and 1898, the residential areas around Omdurman began to form in an Arab-Islamic style, with vast interior yards (hosh) as a distinctive characteristic. The city followed an organic traditional style that is labyrinth-like and quite difficult to understand, as Al-Khalifa built Omdurman in a network-like style that resembles the religious voids in classical Islamic cities. This spontaneous nature to the city can be noticed in the seemingly disorganized growth of the social fabric of its population, which follows social norms and traditions that follow the principles of vernacular architecture.16
The Salafist method of Al-Khalifa and his animosity towards Sufi sects was reflected on architecture, as he prohibited any form of ornaments, except for Quranic verses. The Nubian style of house with its ornamented facades, for example, didn’t find a place in the mono-cultural Mahdist Omdurman, despite the settlement of Nubians in the city.17 In contrast to the houses of Al-Khalifa with their fortified materials, the houses of Mahdist Omdurman were mostly simple, as the houses of Nilotic peoples were built of fragile materials, such as straw and mud, that being the reason why not much of them remained. Also, the people of nomadic tribes from the west, due to their lifestyle, built semi-permanent houses that also got destroyed with time.18
Omdurman had very narrow streets and closed alleys with a distinctive characteristic of being intimate and private. People got around the city walking and rode donkeys, horses, or carts as means of transportation between houses and neighborhoods, which impacted the planning and organic design of the road network.20
The main urban element of Omdurman was the market; in fact, the establishment of Omdurman Market boosted trade movement in the city, as the small seasonal markets that mainly depended on agricultural products turned into a permanent market in the era of Al-Khalifa. It also became a destination for the different Sudanese groups and tribes, so it attracted more people from the north, south, west and east. It also attracted merchants and skilled craftsmen from neighboring countries.21
Hajj caravans, traveling all the way from West Africa, had to stop at Omdurman Market, and it became their regular route. Also merchants arrived from Egypt and India and settled in Omdurman so they can work in its market.22 The river traffic was also very active because of the boat manufacturing industry that was popular at the time, so Omdurman became the destination of many tribes that lived on the banks of Blue Nile, White Nile, and River Nile. Most of the roads in old Omdurman, and especially in the northwestern side, led to the Market. Because of these factors, Omdurman Market became a key pillar for the city, and the focal point of intersection that drew people from all directions.23
Travelers from West Africa used to depart heading eastwards to Mecca. They embarked on their journey usually without enough funds to sustain their travel expenses, therefore they stayed and worked in places along their route in order to afford their journey. Omdurman, which was already on their pilgrimage route to Mecca,25 welcomed and sheltered them, although the Mahdist state and Al-Khalifa regularly recruited them in his army.26
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The newly formed Mahdist state faced many battles against different states, as it was threatened on its borders with both Egypt and Ethiopia, in addition to having internal conflicts. In order to strengthen and increase his armies, and because of his distrust towards the other tribes that were against his succession and sovereignty, Al-Khalifa ordered the tribes of Ta’aisha and Baggara to forcefully migrate from Darfur to Omdurman. This decision had a huge impact on the economic and political state of Omdurman, and perhaps the country in its entirety.
It is important to note that the Ta’aisha and Baggara are nomads who worked in agriculture or cattle grazing, but by forcibly displacing them to Omdurman, Al-Khalifa turned them from a productive group for the state to soldiers in his army. On their way through Kordofan, they consumed their sorghum stock, and when they reached Omdurman became a privileged elite. Their status and kinship to Al-Khalifa saw that they were provided with all types of supplies and foods, which impacted the state’s reserve. Their migration coincided with a year of very low harvest, due to the droughts in the past season. Because of these conditions, the country underwent one of its worst famines, the famine of “the year 6” (1306/1890).27
The failure of the Mahdist state to relieve the famine that hit its citizens due to the militarization and the calls for Jihad, put the state in a dilemma. The state was completely unable to meet the needs of its population as well as maintain it’s war economy which was imposed on it since its inception.28 The economic policy of the state, the boycott of Egypt, and the decrease of trade movement were all factors that worsened the situation. Al-Khalifa did not foresee the impact of his policies on his economically weak state. Also, the migration of Ta’aisha and Baggara had great political and economic consequences, as the citizens of Omdurman, particularly those of Nilotic origins (Awlad Al-Bahar) and relatives of Al-Mahdi –who thought they were more entitled to become successors of Al-Mahdi– did not see any reason to be welcoming of the newcomers, as Al-Khalifa didn’t even try to disguise his dependence on his kin (Awlad AlGharib) and used them to suppress the opposition to his rule and by forming a new personal military force.29
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Although plenty of women worked in the market of the city to the extent that they had an entire section dedicated to them, there is general ambiguity in how women lived their lives in Mahdist Omdurman. Women’s presence in the city wasn’t sufficiently documented, as the Mahdist state had policies that required them to stay at home, and these policies reflected in the residential architecture in old Omdurman. For example, we can look at “Al-Naffaj”, which is a passage that connects the houses of the families in Omdurman, as an architectural element that encouraged women stay at home, thus avoiding the need to go out in the streets.
It is interesting that at times Omdurman was considered a “Women’s City,” particularly because the men had to go to war for long periods of time, which revived the women’s role in trade and crafts in the market. After the bloody Karari Battle (Battle of Omdurman), where 11,000 men of Al-Khalifa’s army died, Omdurman was almost entirely under women’s rule. However, the british policies changed that later and only dealt with men, as they did not acknowledge women’s rule even in their homeland. These circumstances did not deter the women’s movement in Omdurman, which continued to grow and flourish.31
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After The Mahdist state was conquered by the Anglo-Egyptian invasion in 1898, many of the tribes migrated back to their lands, following the colonial policy to “empty the capital area of useless mouths.”33 Due to these policies, towns in Kordofan and Al-Jazirah flourished once more, as many of their inhabitants were formerly forced to stay in Omdurman by Al-Khalifa. Some were forced out of the city after the battle of Karari, while others stayed in Omdurman and made it their home. On the other bank of the Nile, Khartoum, the colonial capital city, for the second time, arose from its rubble. However, it’s new map did not include national citizens, who resided at the outskirts, which did not bother the colonizers at all.34
The planning process of Khartoum was primarily concerned with foreign elites, who resided in the Nile-neighboring areas in the north and center of the city. The colonial presence was prolific in the city’s diagonal roads that were overlaid on a gridiron pattern in an imitation of the Union Jack, the national flag of the United Kingdom.36 These diagonal roads were created first and foremost for security, as they eased the military control over the city against any kind of resistance, meanwhile the locals were left to inhabit shantytowns beyond the railroad bridge and Al-Sunut Forest.37 Khartoum in this manner was designed and planned to resemble a European city, while Omdurman was ignored and disregarded by the British as a discriminatory policy and became with –its organic nature– the primitive model that broke out of control, contrasting the modernity of Khartoum, at least in the eyes of colonizers. Paradoxically, Khartoum was seen as an ugly artificial city by Europeans who were more fascinated by Omdurman in true orientalist fashion and showed interest in visiting the city because of the “authentic” and “exotic” experience it offered.38
When the British finally began to think of planning Omdurman which –despite the out-migrations from the city– maintained an enormous population (43,000 in the year 1910). This proved to be quite difficult as the British couldn’t organize the meandering labyrinthine alleyways of the city. Also, Omdurmanis were adamant in holding onto their rights as owners of property, forcing the British to take a more conservative route than that of Khartoum.40 Henceforth, most of the city replanning concerned the road network as well as the neighborhoods that weren’t heavily populated or those that were demolished during the Anglo-Egyptian invasion.41 One such example is the old Mulazmeen quarter that was destroyed in the battle of Karari, which was then replanned and laid out decades later.
After assigning the British James Bramble as inspector of Omdurman, he converted the House of Al-Khalifa into a museum in 1928 and added a few exhibitions from the Mahdist era. That marked the beginning of the modernization process of the cultural identity of Omdurman.43 In that era, the British worked on diversifying activities as cultural, educational, health, and recreational activities were introduced to Omdurman, such as the Grand Mosque, Omdurman’s General Hospital and the Teacher’s Institute.44 The older location of Omdurman Radio was also constructed in 1940 in the Post Office Buildings,45 in addition to Bramble Cinema and National Cinema.46
Since Khartoum was constructed as a colonial city during that period, Omdurman was considered the national capital, which transformed it into the nationalists refuge as well as anyone who wished to rebel against colonialist Khartoum.48 Therefore during the Condominium rule, the headquarters of the Graduates General Congress, and later the headquarters of most of the national political parties were established in Omdurman.49 Nearby, Omdurman’s Market flourished50 after it had undergone a process of expansion and replanned of its road network as well as the reorganization of the market itself.51 Omdurman’s market famously contained important cafes, such as George Mashriqi, Wad Al-Agha, Al-Zeibaq, and Yousuf Al-Faki Cafés.52 These cafes were considered the beating heart of the city with their literary and artistic forums that hosted artists and poets –especially Haqeeba poets– and it became the center for an intellectual and political revolution in the past century; the national movement.53
Colonial policies were restrictive on mass migrations, therefore after Sudan’s independence and the lifting of these restrictions, there was considerable accerlation in the rate of migration.54 Omdurman continued to expand after Sudan’s independence, leading to the emergence of new neighborhoods, such as Al-Thawrat, Um Badda, Al-Muhandiseen, Al-Rawda, and Madinat Al-Neel, which with their vast extensions became cities in their own right.55 However, the city’s expansion became increasingly more rapid in the following decades that the planning process changed and the city entered a new era of urbanization.
Waves of migration from rural areas to Omdurman due to the attraction of the capital were motivated mostly by economic reasons. However, the largest development in the pattern of migration to the capital occurred when internally displaced persons (IDPs) fled to the capital and settled on the outskirts of the city. There are numerous drivers of displacement in Sudan that forced people to flee to the capital. The country faced many natural disasters in the beginning of the 1980s, including droughts and famines in the west and the east, which forced thousands to flee internally to the capital city. 120,000 persons have fled to Khartoum from Darfur and Kordofan alone.57 In parallel, the second civil war which took place between 1983 and 2005, forced many people to flee to Khartoum and Omdurman to escape war.58 Also the conflict in Darfur, which began in 2003, forced more people to be displaced.59 Because of these reasons, Sudan was ranked as the country with the highest number of IDPs in the world in the 1990s and 2000s, and in the year 2005, the number of IDPs reached its peak with 6.1 million IDPs in the country.60 Despite the decrease of this number through the years, Sudan’s ranking remains high in the list with 2 million IDPs.61
These enormous numbers of IDPs that arrived in the capital –in what is referred to as “the black belt”– faced denial and indifference as well as outright hostility from successive governments since the 1980s. IDPs were viewed as a threat to political stability, a burden to the economy, and a source of social and cultural tension, all of which created hardships for them in securing housing and services.62 President Nimeri (1969-1985) went as far as enforcing the (Kesha) policy: “the displaced who trekked to Khartoum from western and southern Sudan were randomly picked up by security forces and relocated either back to their places of origin or to production sites in the districts of the central region.”63
In late 1990s and early 2000s, Inqaz government (1989-2019) started some initiatives to fight poverty and marginalization, and huge numbers of low income citizens were integrated in working class districts around Khartoum, but these initiatives were interrupted by frequent random and inhumane evacuations which resulted in many human rights complaints.65
Most IDPs settled in informal housing (slums) on the outskirts of cities. Planning initiatives since the 1990s were limited to the provision of lands on the outskirts of cities, and they were ostensibly designed to decrease the pressure on the overpopulated slums, so their houses were destroyed by security forces, and they were forcibly moved to new areas known as IDP camps. Such as Dar Al-Salam and Wad Al-Bashir camps in Omdurman.66 The urban researcher Dr. Hanaa Mutasim conducted interviews with IDPs who settled in Dar Al-Salam camp and found out that most of them used to live in Al-Gamayir neighborhood in the center of Omdurman. When Dar Al-Salam camp was built, the government destroyed their houses without providing any compensations, and Al-Gamayir was re-planned into first class land plots and was named Al-Thawra, Block 6).67
Those who flee to the city are the ones who suffer the most from the lack of services and inaccessibility to livelihoods, because authorities always try to place them in the margins, out of the sight of city inhabitants. This painful reality of these camps in Omdurman was reflected in the names given by the locals who live in them. Of the examples of these names is Al-Salam camp, which is also named “Jabarona”68 (meaning they forced us). The government tried to change these names in an attempt to conceal the truth, for example the camp named “Zagalona” (meaning we were thrown out), was renamed to be “Al-Tharwa 15.”69
While the government has tried to enable IDPs to own land when it established Al-Fatih resettlement sites 40km north of Omdurman, these sites have significantly decreased the quality of life for IDPs since they are very far from the city center and provide no access to services and livelihoods for them.70 Due to these difficult circumstances, IDPs were forced to leave Al-Fatih and be displaced once more.
We must view IDP camps, relocation sites, and even informal settlements in a critical eye and how the issues of the margin are transported into the city. It’s important to consider the city’s position and acknowledgement to IDPs, since through their different architectures, have become inseparable parts of the formation of our capital, Khartoum. It is without a doubt that urbanization is a global phenomenon today, and because of that, cities must be able to predict, accommodate and be resilient towards this growth particularly towards vulnerable groups who have been displaced, marginalized and forced into cruel circumstances that encloses them in a continuous cycle of poverty and displacement.
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The ethnic and cultural homogeneity of Omdurman that was created during the colonial era was a result of painful experiences that the inhabitants of the city have experienced. The city had its fair share of tribal tensions that rattled the city between Al-Khalifa and his relatives from the western Sudan tribes, and the relatives of Al-Mahdi and the Nilotic tribes. The fall of the Mahdist state and the painful defeat in the Karari Battle, however, united the citizens of Omdurman against colonial rule, propelling the city into an era of social cohesion and integration. These factors led to launching the national movement inorder to liberate the country from under the colonizer’s rule, thus giving birth to Omdurman’s identity as Sudan’s microcosm, the nationalists’ refuge.
However, if Omdurman is indeed seen as a model of national integration and the melting pot that shaped the Sudanese national identity through the prevailing cultural movement which started during the colonial period, some consider that this statement is not accurate, and in fact misleading. The culture of Omdurman has rejected and alienated other groups and individuals with the argument that they are not true Omdurmanis.71 Some even claim that the many migrations in the 1970s and 1980s, was the beginning of losing the image of “national identity.”
In fact, this statement calls for questioning this image; did it truly reflect the national integration that allegedly envelopes the entirety of Sudan? Professor Idris Salim says that Omdurmanis will say yes, because the image of Omdurman as Sudan's microcosm exists only in their minds.72
That national identity of Omdurman has certainly been put to the test since the 1980s and onwards. “I am Omdurman, I am Sudan” now has new meanings, as Sudan since its independence, hasn’t witnessed stability in all of its parts that were marginalized at the expense of developing the center. These displaced people have brought their grievances and destabilized Khartoum’s -and therefore, Omdurman’s- manufactured image of stability and social harmony. In fact, the image of Omdurman as microcosm of Sudan did not become a reality until it actually included people from all parts of Sudan, who were once again marginalized at city level in the midst of social elimination by native Omdurmanis.
In the face of this new challenge to the Omdurmani identity, there is no common enemy that unites Omdurmanis, as the enemy has become one another once more, similar to that of the Mahdist state. It is without a doubt that the best and ideal solution for the issue of displacement is through finding radical solutions at the root causes. However, it seems that the current complexity of the political and economic situation in Sudan makes it more challenging to achieve radical solutions in the near future. In the midst of these complexities, one may argue that one of the few options available is to address the issues of IDPs on a city level, if at the very least by changing the state’s marginalizing and discriminatory policies against them. Omdurman today is presented with a unique opportunity, since it’s image as Sudan’s microcosm has the capacity to be utilized as a realistic example to achieve social cohesion and real change, instead of utilizing its image for othering people. If Omdurman becomes able to achieve true equality on all social, cultural and economic aspects to all of its inhabitants in the future, perhaps that might carve the path towards finding actual solutions to the problems that have divided Sudan since its independence.
Street Life
Street Life
Tea ladies are a staple feature of urban street life in Sudan. Their occupation arose from the unfortunate economic situation faced by many women who were displaced to Khartoum due to war and famine. As a last resort, many women started selling hot beverages on street corners and waterfronts around the city, creating a unique culture around their kanoons, or coal stoves. People of all ages and genders gather on short stools to meet, wait near hospitals or government offices, pass the time, or simply enjoy the service. With the lack of public space infrastructure and furniture, they fulfill a specific need not met by anyone else, public or private.
The tea ladies' journey was never easy. They had to unionize to fight the continuous injustices they encountered throughout the years, playing significant roles during pivotal moments in the civic struggle in Khartoum.
In film Hyat (Arabic for life) prepares traditional coffee on the street in front of Omdurman's Khalifa Mosque; roasting and grinding the beans before cooking and serving the coffee.
This film is part of a collection of documentary films that has been filmed and produced as part of the Western Sudan Community Museums project WSCM which was originally intended to be showcased in 3 museums around Sudan, Khalifa House Museum in Omdurman, Khartoum, Sheikan Museum in Obaid, North Kordofan, and Darfur Museum in Nyala, South Darfur. These films show various explanations of the history of important historical sites related to the exhibitions of these museums. All films in this collection were produced by Mark Whatmore and Yoho Media.
Cover picture © Mark Whatmore
Tea ladies are a staple feature of urban street life in Sudan. Their occupation arose from the unfortunate economic situation faced by many women who were displaced to Khartoum due to war and famine. As a last resort, many women started selling hot beverages on street corners and waterfronts around the city, creating a unique culture around their kanoons, or coal stoves. People of all ages and genders gather on short stools to meet, wait near hospitals or government offices, pass the time, or simply enjoy the service. With the lack of public space infrastructure and furniture, they fulfill a specific need not met by anyone else, public or private.
The tea ladies' journey was never easy. They had to unionize to fight the continuous injustices they encountered throughout the years, playing significant roles during pivotal moments in the civic struggle in Khartoum.
In film Hyat (Arabic for life) prepares traditional coffee on the street in front of Omdurman's Khalifa Mosque; roasting and grinding the beans before cooking and serving the coffee.
This film is part of a collection of documentary films that has been filmed and produced as part of the Western Sudan Community Museums project WSCM which was originally intended to be showcased in 3 museums around Sudan, Khalifa House Museum in Omdurman, Khartoum, Sheikan Museum in Obaid, North Kordofan, and Darfur Museum in Nyala, South Darfur. These films show various explanations of the history of important historical sites related to the exhibitions of these museums. All films in this collection were produced by Mark Whatmore and Yoho Media.
Cover picture © Mark Whatmore
Tea ladies are a staple feature of urban street life in Sudan. Their occupation arose from the unfortunate economic situation faced by many women who were displaced to Khartoum due to war and famine. As a last resort, many women started selling hot beverages on street corners and waterfronts around the city, creating a unique culture around their kanoons, or coal stoves. People of all ages and genders gather on short stools to meet, wait near hospitals or government offices, pass the time, or simply enjoy the service. With the lack of public space infrastructure and furniture, they fulfill a specific need not met by anyone else, public or private.
The tea ladies' journey was never easy. They had to unionize to fight the continuous injustices they encountered throughout the years, playing significant roles during pivotal moments in the civic struggle in Khartoum.
In film Hyat (Arabic for life) prepares traditional coffee on the street in front of Omdurman's Khalifa Mosque; roasting and grinding the beans before cooking and serving the coffee.
This film is part of a collection of documentary films that has been filmed and produced as part of the Western Sudan Community Museums project WSCM which was originally intended to be showcased in 3 museums around Sudan, Khalifa House Museum in Omdurman, Khartoum, Sheikan Museum in Obaid, North Kordofan, and Darfur Museum in Nyala, South Darfur. These films show various explanations of the history of important historical sites related to the exhibitions of these museums. All films in this collection were produced by Mark Whatmore and Yoho Media.
Cover picture © Mark Whatmore
Suakin
Suakin
Suakin - The Place of all our Beginnings
As a place, Suakin has a special position in Sudanese culture, because of the memory of the beauty of the lost buildings and because it is identified with where Islam entered Sudan. Suakin has been described by the Sudanese as ‘the place of all our beginnings’.
Suakin was formerly Sudan’s chief port, before the construction of Port Sudan. In addition to trade, the town provided the gateway between Islamic culture and Eastern Africa as the major pilgrimage route between Africa and Mecca. During Suakin’s period of prosperous trade, most of its famous 15-20th century coral block buildings were constructed. These buildings are one of the best and now last remaining examples of the Red Sea architectural style.
Suakin Islands and the Historic Town
Suakin’s natural lagoon harbour is backed by the Red Sea Hills. The historic town consists of an island joined to the mainland by a causeway, and a mainland area known as the Geyf. The island where you see the ruins was the main town and has been continuously inhabited for at least 500 years. The island town grew like most old towns, with irregular narrow streets and blocks of houses of different shapes and sizes. The island properties consisted of houses for the wealthy merchants, many named after famous families such as Khorshid Effendi and Shennawi Bey, traders, commercial offices, stores and shops, zawias and mosques, and a number of public buildings. By the early 20th century Suakin Island had approximately two hundred houses.
Two further islands occupy the lagoon, opposite Suakin’s historic town. The first island is known as Condenser Island, occupied by British and Australian troops during the 1885-1896 Mahdist campaigns, and a tall condenser-chimney (now disappeared) that determined the island’s name. The other island is known as Quarantine Island, occupied by previous quarantine installations for pilgrims to Mecca, some early houses and a Christian cemetery.
The adjacent historic mainland town, known as the Geyf and connected to the island by a causeway, was occupied mostly by Hadendowa tribe inhabitants, containing houses, zawias and mosques, a number of public buildings, the Suakin-Berber Railway installations, shops, shanties and drinking houses. The Geyf was encircled by fortifications, while the area surrounding this was scattered with outer defences and a number of shrines and tombs.
Suakin’s Decline and Documentation
Suakin was abandoned for Port Sudan in the early 1900s. The historic town is now mostly uninhabited, much of it in ruins without the constant maintenance required. However, Suakin remains shrouded in legend and myth and contains one of Sudan’s most eventful and significant histories. Furthermore, trade and prosperity has returned to the area, following the opening of Suakin’s new port in 1991 and subsequent growth of a surrounding new town, in addition to the continuing passenger ferry route from Suakin to Jeddah.
Despite Suakin’s regrowth, much of the historic town remained in ruins and has now almost disappeared. However, Suakin’s importance and the need for this to be saved for future generations has been well recognised. This has resulted in extensive research and documentation of the site for many years, including great efforts of the Suakin Project established by Sudan’s National Corporation for Antiquities and Museums in 2000. It is this documentation and research that the following 3D reconstruction hopes to bring to light, in addition to inspiring hope and whatever plans may come for Suakin’s future.
Cover picture: Suakin mainland Al Mirgani buildings 2020 photo by Ibrahim Mohamed Ibrahim Ahmed
Suakin - The Place of all our Beginnings
As a place, Suakin has a special position in Sudanese culture, because of the memory of the beauty of the lost buildings and because it is identified with where Islam entered Sudan. Suakin has been described by the Sudanese as ‘the place of all our beginnings’.
Suakin was formerly Sudan’s chief port, before the construction of Port Sudan. In addition to trade, the town provided the gateway between Islamic culture and Eastern Africa as the major pilgrimage route between Africa and Mecca. During Suakin’s period of prosperous trade, most of its famous 15-20th century coral block buildings were constructed. These buildings are one of the best and now last remaining examples of the Red Sea architectural style.
Suakin Islands and the Historic Town
Suakin’s natural lagoon harbour is backed by the Red Sea Hills. The historic town consists of an island joined to the mainland by a causeway, and a mainland area known as the Geyf. The island where you see the ruins was the main town and has been continuously inhabited for at least 500 years. The island town grew like most old towns, with irregular narrow streets and blocks of houses of different shapes and sizes. The island properties consisted of houses for the wealthy merchants, many named after famous families such as Khorshid Effendi and Shennawi Bey, traders, commercial offices, stores and shops, zawias and mosques, and a number of public buildings. By the early 20th century Suakin Island had approximately two hundred houses.
Two further islands occupy the lagoon, opposite Suakin’s historic town. The first island is known as Condenser Island, occupied by British and Australian troops during the 1885-1896 Mahdist campaigns, and a tall condenser-chimney (now disappeared) that determined the island’s name. The other island is known as Quarantine Island, occupied by previous quarantine installations for pilgrims to Mecca, some early houses and a Christian cemetery.
The adjacent historic mainland town, known as the Geyf and connected to the island by a causeway, was occupied mostly by Hadendowa tribe inhabitants, containing houses, zawias and mosques, a number of public buildings, the Suakin-Berber Railway installations, shops, shanties and drinking houses. The Geyf was encircled by fortifications, while the area surrounding this was scattered with outer defences and a number of shrines and tombs.
Suakin’s Decline and Documentation
Suakin was abandoned for Port Sudan in the early 1900s. The historic town is now mostly uninhabited, much of it in ruins without the constant maintenance required. However, Suakin remains shrouded in legend and myth and contains one of Sudan’s most eventful and significant histories. Furthermore, trade and prosperity has returned to the area, following the opening of Suakin’s new port in 1991 and subsequent growth of a surrounding new town, in addition to the continuing passenger ferry route from Suakin to Jeddah.
Despite Suakin’s regrowth, much of the historic town remained in ruins and has now almost disappeared. However, Suakin’s importance and the need for this to be saved for future generations has been well recognised. This has resulted in extensive research and documentation of the site for many years, including great efforts of the Suakin Project established by Sudan’s National Corporation for Antiquities and Museums in 2000. It is this documentation and research that the following 3D reconstruction hopes to bring to light, in addition to inspiring hope and whatever plans may come for Suakin’s future.
Cover picture: Suakin mainland Al Mirgani buildings 2020 photo by Ibrahim Mohamed Ibrahim Ahmed
Suakin - The Place of all our Beginnings
As a place, Suakin has a special position in Sudanese culture, because of the memory of the beauty of the lost buildings and because it is identified with where Islam entered Sudan. Suakin has been described by the Sudanese as ‘the place of all our beginnings’.
Suakin was formerly Sudan’s chief port, before the construction of Port Sudan. In addition to trade, the town provided the gateway between Islamic culture and Eastern Africa as the major pilgrimage route between Africa and Mecca. During Suakin’s period of prosperous trade, most of its famous 15-20th century coral block buildings were constructed. These buildings are one of the best and now last remaining examples of the Red Sea architectural style.
Suakin Islands and the Historic Town
Suakin’s natural lagoon harbour is backed by the Red Sea Hills. The historic town consists of an island joined to the mainland by a causeway, and a mainland area known as the Geyf. The island where you see the ruins was the main town and has been continuously inhabited for at least 500 years. The island town grew like most old towns, with irregular narrow streets and blocks of houses of different shapes and sizes. The island properties consisted of houses for the wealthy merchants, many named after famous families such as Khorshid Effendi and Shennawi Bey, traders, commercial offices, stores and shops, zawias and mosques, and a number of public buildings. By the early 20th century Suakin Island had approximately two hundred houses.
Two further islands occupy the lagoon, opposite Suakin’s historic town. The first island is known as Condenser Island, occupied by British and Australian troops during the 1885-1896 Mahdist campaigns, and a tall condenser-chimney (now disappeared) that determined the island’s name. The other island is known as Quarantine Island, occupied by previous quarantine installations for pilgrims to Mecca, some early houses and a Christian cemetery.
The adjacent historic mainland town, known as the Geyf and connected to the island by a causeway, was occupied mostly by Hadendowa tribe inhabitants, containing houses, zawias and mosques, a number of public buildings, the Suakin-Berber Railway installations, shops, shanties and drinking houses. The Geyf was encircled by fortifications, while the area surrounding this was scattered with outer defences and a number of shrines and tombs.
Suakin’s Decline and Documentation
Suakin was abandoned for Port Sudan in the early 1900s. The historic town is now mostly uninhabited, much of it in ruins without the constant maintenance required. However, Suakin remains shrouded in legend and myth and contains one of Sudan’s most eventful and significant histories. Furthermore, trade and prosperity has returned to the area, following the opening of Suakin’s new port in 1991 and subsequent growth of a surrounding new town, in addition to the continuing passenger ferry route from Suakin to Jeddah.
Despite Suakin’s regrowth, much of the historic town remained in ruins and has now almost disappeared. However, Suakin’s importance and the need for this to be saved for future generations has been well recognised. This has resulted in extensive research and documentation of the site for many years, including great efforts of the Suakin Project established by Sudan’s National Corporation for Antiquities and Museums in 2000. It is this documentation and research that the following 3D reconstruction hopes to bring to light, in addition to inspiring hope and whatever plans may come for Suakin’s future.
Cover picture: Suakin mainland Al Mirgani buildings 2020 photo by Ibrahim Mohamed Ibrahim Ahmed
Water preservation in Kordofan
Water preservation in Kordofan
Water is the source of life for everything, including cities. With it, they are born, they die and disappear. In North Kordofan, there are a variety of water bodies, both surface and groundwater, such as permanent and seasonal rivers. With different seasons and ways of living, methods of preserving and obtaining water vary. The pictures in this gallery show water extraction from wells with buckets, hafir “water storage”, and “wabour” water pumps.
The baobab tree is also one of the well-known water stores, as the tree is dug from the inside to resemble a well and is closed from the top with a thick cover such as zinc sheets. The baobab tree purifies water from sediments, and the bucket is used to scoop water during periods of scarce rain and drought.
The emergence of the first capital of North Kordofan Al Obeid was linked to the presence of water, so much so that the name of the city is associated with several stories passed down through generations, shedding a lot of light on this emergence and the influence of the natural environment in choosing the current location. The first story goes that the residents of the neighboring villages used to unleash their livestock and animals in search of the grass that grows in the space extending around these villages and around the swamps and valleys in which water collects after rain. In one of these villages, there was an old woman called (Manfoura) who owned a white donkey that she released in search of food and drink. One time, he was gone for a long time and after his return, the woman noticed that the whites of her donkey were stained with mud mixed with green grass. This matter aroused her curiosity, so the woman followed her donkey the next day to find it grazing in a large depression filled with water and growing on its edges some dense trees and vegetation.
Water is the source of life for everything, including cities. With it, they are born, they die and disappear. In North Kordofan, there are a variety of water bodies, both surface and groundwater, such as permanent and seasonal rivers. With different seasons and ways of living, methods of preserving and obtaining water vary. The pictures in this gallery show water extraction from wells with buckets, hafir “water storage”, and “wabour” water pumps.
The baobab tree is also one of the well-known water stores, as the tree is dug from the inside to resemble a well and is closed from the top with a thick cover such as zinc sheets. The baobab tree purifies water from sediments, and the bucket is used to scoop water during periods of scarce rain and drought.
The emergence of the first capital of North Kordofan Al Obeid was linked to the presence of water, so much so that the name of the city is associated with several stories passed down through generations, shedding a lot of light on this emergence and the influence of the natural environment in choosing the current location. The first story goes that the residents of the neighboring villages used to unleash their livestock and animals in search of the grass that grows in the space extending around these villages and around the swamps and valleys in which water collects after rain. In one of these villages, there was an old woman called (Manfoura) who owned a white donkey that she released in search of food and drink. One time, he was gone for a long time and after his return, the woman noticed that the whites of her donkey were stained with mud mixed with green grass. This matter aroused her curiosity, so the woman followed her donkey the next day to find it grazing in a large depression filled with water and growing on its edges some dense trees and vegetation.
Water is the source of life for everything, including cities. With it, they are born, they die and disappear. In North Kordofan, there are a variety of water bodies, both surface and groundwater, such as permanent and seasonal rivers. With different seasons and ways of living, methods of preserving and obtaining water vary. The pictures in this gallery show water extraction from wells with buckets, hafir “water storage”, and “wabour” water pumps.
The baobab tree is also one of the well-known water stores, as the tree is dug from the inside to resemble a well and is closed from the top with a thick cover such as zinc sheets. The baobab tree purifies water from sediments, and the bucket is used to scoop water during periods of scarce rain and drought.
The emergence of the first capital of North Kordofan Al Obeid was linked to the presence of water, so much so that the name of the city is associated with several stories passed down through generations, shedding a lot of light on this emergence and the influence of the natural environment in choosing the current location. The first story goes that the residents of the neighboring villages used to unleash their livestock and animals in search of the grass that grows in the space extending around these villages and around the swamps and valleys in which water collects after rain. In one of these villages, there was an old woman called (Manfoura) who owned a white donkey that she released in search of food and drink. One time, he was gone for a long time and after his return, the woman noticed that the whites of her donkey were stained with mud mixed with green grass. This matter aroused her curiosity, so the woman followed her donkey the next day to find it grazing in a large depression filled with water and growing on its edges some dense trees and vegetation.
Maps as an archive
Maps as an archive
Maps are powerful tools that are influenced by political considerations and document specific moments in time and space. They selectively include information to serve particular purposes, reflecting the mapmaker's objectives and biases. This selectivity means that some human settlements may be omitted due to their political importance or insignificance.
Despite their limitations, maps capture historical contexts and can retell the story of the places they depict, revealing insights into the era's geography, politics, and culture. They also serve as storytelling tools, highlighting certain aspects while omitting others, which can shape perceptions and influence narratives.
Understanding the curated nature of maps helps us critically engage with how the world is represented and the underlying power dynamics involved in map-making.
The maps in this gallery show the changes in Khartoum under the different governments and in different periods of time, not just showing the events but also the viewpoints and interests of these governments. Take note of the fortifications in these maps, the fort on the western side of the river is the only structure that is recorded in maps dated back to the 19th century even though there were several human settlements at the time, same with the Khartoum wall that since its construction was a key feature even after it was destroyed as you can see in current planning of the city.
Image credits:
Khartum in 1840 showing the trading route from Omdurman, Published in Henri Dehérain: Le Soudan égyptien sous Mehemet Ali, Paris, Georges Carré et C. Naud, Éditeurs, 1898.
Khartoum in 1876 Plan von Chartum und Umgebung. Published in Dr. Wilh. Junkers Reisen in Afrika, 1875-1886 ... nach seinen tagebüchern unter der mitwirkung / von Wilhelm Junker, unter der Mitwirkung von Richard Buchta, Wien: Ed. Hölzel, 1889-1891. Band I, Tafel 4. Gallica.
Khartoum in 1884 drawn from rough sketches made by General Gordon, Published in The journals of Major-Gen. C. G. Gordon, C. B., at Khartoum. Printed from the original mss. Introduction and Notes by A. Egmont Hake. Boston, New York: Houghton, Mifflin and Company, 1885.
Khartoum in 1890, Confluence of the two Niles showing old Omdurman town and key geographic monuments, 1890, published in the book Africa by Reclus, Elisée, 1830-1905.
The siege of Khartoum, “La chute de Khartoum”. Plan compiled by the "defense" in the court-martial held in June 1887 from the statements of witnesses of the siege in 1884-1885. Published in Mahdiism and the Egyptian Sudan, by F. R. Wingate. London, MacMillian and Co., 1891.
Khartoum 1896 Image extracted from page 701 of Fire and Sword in the Sudan. A personal narrative of life during Mahdiya. 1879-1895, by SLATIN, Rudolf Carl - Sir, K.C.M.G. Originally held and digitised by the British Library.
Khartoum 1906 (post-conquest) Provisional map of Khartoum city compiled for use of the Khartoum Mudiria by Lieut. Colonel E.A. Stanton, Governor Khartoum Province. Via: American Geographical Society Library.
Khartoum 1952 published by the Sudan Survey Department. Via: David Rumsey Historical Map Collection, Stanford Libraries - Stanford, California, USA.
Khartoum 1970s, 1:5000 published by the Sudan Survey Department.
Khartum 1974, Sudan, provint︠s︡ii︠a︡ Khartum / Generalʹnyĭ shtab, published by the Soviet Union. Sovetskai︠a︡ Armii︠a︡. Generalʹnyĭ shtab, Moscow. Via: National Library of Australia - Canberra, Australia.
Cover picture © Zainab Gaafar
Maps are powerful tools that are influenced by political considerations and document specific moments in time and space. They selectively include information to serve particular purposes, reflecting the mapmaker's objectives and biases. This selectivity means that some human settlements may be omitted due to their political importance or insignificance.
Despite their limitations, maps capture historical contexts and can retell the story of the places they depict, revealing insights into the era's geography, politics, and culture. They also serve as storytelling tools, highlighting certain aspects while omitting others, which can shape perceptions and influence narratives.
Understanding the curated nature of maps helps us critically engage with how the world is represented and the underlying power dynamics involved in map-making.
The maps in this gallery show the changes in Khartoum under the different governments and in different periods of time, not just showing the events but also the viewpoints and interests of these governments. Take note of the fortifications in these maps, the fort on the western side of the river is the only structure that is recorded in maps dated back to the 19th century even though there were several human settlements at the time, same with the Khartoum wall that since its construction was a key feature even after it was destroyed as you can see in current planning of the city.
Image credits:
Khartum in 1840 showing the trading route from Omdurman, Published in Henri Dehérain: Le Soudan égyptien sous Mehemet Ali, Paris, Georges Carré et C. Naud, Éditeurs, 1898.
Khartoum in 1876 Plan von Chartum und Umgebung. Published in Dr. Wilh. Junkers Reisen in Afrika, 1875-1886 ... nach seinen tagebüchern unter der mitwirkung / von Wilhelm Junker, unter der Mitwirkung von Richard Buchta, Wien: Ed. Hölzel, 1889-1891. Band I, Tafel 4. Gallica.
Khartoum in 1884 drawn from rough sketches made by General Gordon, Published in The journals of Major-Gen. C. G. Gordon, C. B., at Khartoum. Printed from the original mss. Introduction and Notes by A. Egmont Hake. Boston, New York: Houghton, Mifflin and Company, 1885.
Khartoum in 1890, Confluence of the two Niles showing old Omdurman town and key geographic monuments, 1890, published in the book Africa by Reclus, Elisée, 1830-1905.
The siege of Khartoum, “La chute de Khartoum”. Plan compiled by the "defense" in the court-martial held in June 1887 from the statements of witnesses of the siege in 1884-1885. Published in Mahdiism and the Egyptian Sudan, by F. R. Wingate. London, MacMillian and Co., 1891.
Khartoum 1896 Image extracted from page 701 of Fire and Sword in the Sudan. A personal narrative of life during Mahdiya. 1879-1895, by SLATIN, Rudolf Carl - Sir, K.C.M.G. Originally held and digitised by the British Library.
Khartoum 1906 (post-conquest) Provisional map of Khartoum city compiled for use of the Khartoum Mudiria by Lieut. Colonel E.A. Stanton, Governor Khartoum Province. Via: American Geographical Society Library.
Khartoum 1952 published by the Sudan Survey Department. Via: David Rumsey Historical Map Collection, Stanford Libraries - Stanford, California, USA.
Khartoum 1970s, 1:5000 published by the Sudan Survey Department.
Khartum 1974, Sudan, provint︠s︡ii︠a︡ Khartum / Generalʹnyĭ shtab, published by the Soviet Union. Sovetskai︠a︡ Armii︠a︡. Generalʹnyĭ shtab, Moscow. Via: National Library of Australia - Canberra, Australia.
Cover picture © Zainab Gaafar
Maps are powerful tools that are influenced by political considerations and document specific moments in time and space. They selectively include information to serve particular purposes, reflecting the mapmaker's objectives and biases. This selectivity means that some human settlements may be omitted due to their political importance or insignificance.
Despite their limitations, maps capture historical contexts and can retell the story of the places they depict, revealing insights into the era's geography, politics, and culture. They also serve as storytelling tools, highlighting certain aspects while omitting others, which can shape perceptions and influence narratives.
Understanding the curated nature of maps helps us critically engage with how the world is represented and the underlying power dynamics involved in map-making.
The maps in this gallery show the changes in Khartoum under the different governments and in different periods of time, not just showing the events but also the viewpoints and interests of these governments. Take note of the fortifications in these maps, the fort on the western side of the river is the only structure that is recorded in maps dated back to the 19th century even though there were several human settlements at the time, same with the Khartoum wall that since its construction was a key feature even after it was destroyed as you can see in current planning of the city.
Image credits:
Khartum in 1840 showing the trading route from Omdurman, Published in Henri Dehérain: Le Soudan égyptien sous Mehemet Ali, Paris, Georges Carré et C. Naud, Éditeurs, 1898.
Khartoum in 1876 Plan von Chartum und Umgebung. Published in Dr. Wilh. Junkers Reisen in Afrika, 1875-1886 ... nach seinen tagebüchern unter der mitwirkung / von Wilhelm Junker, unter der Mitwirkung von Richard Buchta, Wien: Ed. Hölzel, 1889-1891. Band I, Tafel 4. Gallica.
Khartoum in 1884 drawn from rough sketches made by General Gordon, Published in The journals of Major-Gen. C. G. Gordon, C. B., at Khartoum. Printed from the original mss. Introduction and Notes by A. Egmont Hake. Boston, New York: Houghton, Mifflin and Company, 1885.
Khartoum in 1890, Confluence of the two Niles showing old Omdurman town and key geographic monuments, 1890, published in the book Africa by Reclus, Elisée, 1830-1905.
The siege of Khartoum, “La chute de Khartoum”. Plan compiled by the "defense" in the court-martial held in June 1887 from the statements of witnesses of the siege in 1884-1885. Published in Mahdiism and the Egyptian Sudan, by F. R. Wingate. London, MacMillian and Co., 1891.
Khartoum 1896 Image extracted from page 701 of Fire and Sword in the Sudan. A personal narrative of life during Mahdiya. 1879-1895, by SLATIN, Rudolf Carl - Sir, K.C.M.G. Originally held and digitised by the British Library.
Khartoum 1906 (post-conquest) Provisional map of Khartoum city compiled for use of the Khartoum Mudiria by Lieut. Colonel E.A. Stanton, Governor Khartoum Province. Via: American Geographical Society Library.
Khartoum 1952 published by the Sudan Survey Department. Via: David Rumsey Historical Map Collection, Stanford Libraries - Stanford, California, USA.
Khartoum 1970s, 1:5000 published by the Sudan Survey Department.
Khartum 1974, Sudan, provint︠s︡ii︠a︡ Khartum / Generalʹnyĭ shtab, published by the Soviet Union. Sovetskai︠a︡ Armii︠a︡. Generalʹnyĭ shtab, Moscow. Via: National Library of Australia - Canberra, Australia.
Cover picture © Zainab Gaafar